Socialist Outlook

Socialist Viewpoint, International, Socialist Outlook and their supplements, 1984–2002

Sordid saga of arms dealing Countdown to Iraqgate

Socialist Outlook no. 32, November 21 1992 · 977 words

Middle East

Lord Howe, then foreign secretary and plain Sir Geoffrey, told the House of Commons on 29 October 1985:

The United Kingdom has been strictly impartial in the conflict between Iran and Iraq. He went on the speak of policy of doing everything possible to see this tragedy bought to the earlest possible end'.

In fact, as former defence minister Alan Clark told the Old Bailey during the Matrix Churchill trial, Britain's interests were best served by allowing the war to continue as long as possible. Policy was shaped accordingly.

Throughout the Britain systematically helped to arm both sides. The switch to explicit backing of Iraq - the root or the current scandal -oniy really began in 1987.

In the case of Iran:

• Major British companies -including Plessey, Rolls Royce and IC!-supplied many goods with potential military applicatons with full government • Up to 80 per cent of Iran's international arms_purchases in the period 1980-87 were organised through London • The sales wing of the Ministry of Defence maintained offices in Tehran, despite official denials In the case of frag:

• A British company reportedly made possible Irag's chemical weapons production lines • Britain trained Iraqi officers British arms dealers illegally engaged in large scale arms trading with both combatants.

The Shah of Iran was put in power in 1954, after the British and American secret service: arranged a coup which toppled the radical Mossadegh regime following the nationalisation of their oil interests Successive UK governments, both Labour and Conservative, allowed British Guess which one of these was part of a shady arms deal!

manufacturers to supply him with advanced weaponry.

despite their knowledge of the repressive character of his Armaments included 900 Chieftain tanks, 250 Scorpion light tanks, 400 armoured cars, 2,100 Rapier surface-to-air missiles and much more.

The Shah fell in 1979 in a popular insurrection in which the Islamic clergy, led by Ayatollah Khomeini, emerged as the dominant force. Seizing a chance to assert regional dominance, Iraqi president Saddam russein launched an invasion the following year in the hope of a quick initially favoured Iraq. But as the conflict slowly swuns Iran's favour, bets were suitably hedged. Between 1980 and 1982, Iranian combat forces combatant. were still being trained by the British military.

As late as 1984, Iranian officers were instructed in antiaircraft weapons techniques at the British Manufacturing and Research Company's establishment at a former Royal Air Force base near Lincoln.

The years 1984-85 saw state-owned British companies massively augment Iran's amphibious capacity. British Hovercraft Corporation refurbished two ranian BH7 hovercraft, capable of carrying troops or surface-to-air missiles. Hovercraft are especially valuable as supply vessels in the marshy terrain where much of the war was fought out. Rolls Royee supplied five engines, valued at E for probable use in amphibious landing craft. In carly 1985, Clyde and the Iranian navy with a : tonne fleet auxiliary and two 2,500 tonne landing craft. The Independent Television News claimed in August 1987 that Customs and Excise were investigating up to fifty British firms which had allegedly illegally supplied arms to one or the other combined value of the contracts was estimated at 685 million. Whitehall tried to pass off he orders as 'hospital ships" sent in fulfilment of an order placed by the Shah. While the main vessel was equipped with an operating theatre, if also displayed somewhat more lethal capabilities asa landing facility Blowing the gaff on Tory corruption - ex-minister Alan Clark for helicopters engaged in antishipping operations sibilities. Similar craft had per- the POST formed the same role in the Falklands War. Even the US publicy distanced itself from the deal - rank hypocrisy given that was supplying Khomeini through the Irangate back door.

Again in 1985, the Iran's opposition National Movement of Resistance leaked documents proving that fifteen jumbo jet loads of spare parts for British-built tanks arrived in Tehran after a secret deal was reached in Paris.

It then emerged that International Military Services, sales wing of the MoD, had maintained an office in the Iranian capital throughout the conflict. The official line was that it stayed only to meet contractual obligations entering into with the Shah. Iran's arms buying mission in London's Victoria Street, responsible for 80 per cent of its overseas purchases, remained until September 1987 In November 1986 Plessey beat off rival Marconi to win a £240 million Iranian order for the sophisticated AR-30 radar system, claiming that these were static systems destined for the border with the Soviet Union and Afghanistan and thus the deal was in western interests. Standard military text books show AR-30 as trailer mounted and thus totally mobile. Independent Television Prior to this turning point, backing had been equivocal.

Two major arms deals carly in the conflict were spiked. 1981 British Aerospace, then In still nationalised, , negotiated supply of 30 Hawk fighter trainers to Irag, and was even considering establishing a factor the core 1982, International Military Sales was reportedly negotiating to repair Chieftains captured from Iran by Iraq.

Tory MP Geoffrey Pattie ob.

served: It is for the Iraqi authorities to decide on the use of these tanks once repaired One wonders how may uses for tanks Pattie envisages in a state at war. Both deals were quietiy squashed.

Chemical weapons Iraq was allowed to purchase 300 military Land Rovers are large quantities of radar equipment Moreover, British companies were reportedly instrumental in allowing Irag to manufacture chemical weapons.

In December 1985, New Scientist claimed Primary Medical Aid of Fareham, Hampshire, sold 10,000 sets of protective suits and breathing apparatus to protect workers making the weapons.

John Stanley, then armed forcs minister, confirmed in February 1984 that 'a small number of Iragi airmen were being trained in the UK at both commercial and government establishments.

Iragi Solidarity Voice put the number at 100. Flight Internahonal claimed that 80 were

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