The new issue of IMA is devoted to the developments in the ex-Stalinist states, and their implications for the left.
David Seppo, a frequent contributer to Intoma tional Viewpoint and other joumals, contributes a detased decussion on the course of Boris Yeltar and the other leaders of the replican govern. ments in the ex-USSR.
His piece is published together with a detailed resolution outlining the positions of the Fourth InAugust's failed coup Well known Marxist writer Michel Lowy follows up the two pieces on the Soviet Union with a discussion of the signilicance of the new rise of nadence the 1085 yes in Thanamen Square, Since the 1989 events in there has been Itle discussion on the let on developments in China. /MR contains a discussion on the new course of the Chinese leadership by veteran Trotskyist Livio Maitan. The current issue aleo contains a long examination of the evoing consciousness orue rolst worka Jan Malewski, and an examination of the conficts in Yugoslavia by Catherine Verla.
Finally Socialist Outlook writer Paul Clarke casts a crical eye on Alex Callincos' book For individual copies send E3 (inc. pSp) to Socialist Outloak/IMR), PO Box 1109, London N4 2UU. For subs send €10 cheque made out to PEC. to IMR. 2 Rue Richard Lenoir, 93108 Montreul, France.
April 17, 1992 : No. 20 lerestroika he was an MP, and by socialist MP's like Dave Nellist.
During the 1920s, when there were mass revolutionary Communist Parties in France and Italy, the Communists has strong parliamentary representation.
Discipline
But the deputies were subordinate to the its discipline. Their wages were said to the party, and in retur hey were paid the wages of party full timers, pegged at levels of workers' wages There are no revolutionary socialists in parisament today, but there are left Labour MPs who utilise parliament in a similar way, for propaganda and mobilisation. This is a big gain for socialists and the left.
Lenin's Left Wing Communism' written to attack groups in the Com munist international who Wanted boycott both parliament and work in the reformist trade unions, Hetumed thr argument of playing the bosses' game on No, said Lenin, it is
Coup
The task then would be to make them stick against the resistance and sabotage of the ruling class, including possible attempts at a military coup Anti-capitalist measures by a socialist-dominated parliament could only be imposed by a mobilised working class, fighting to establish its own power. In that process, it would inevitably democratic | participation and democratic than anything ever seen in the realm of parliamentary democracy. Bernadette: Tribune of the people
John Major's victory has produced the smallest Tory majority since 1951. JOHN LISTER dug through the history books to see what happened then. HAILING the news that John Major had won the clection with a majority then estimated at 17 seats, Margaret Thatcher was quick to argue that this would be no obstacle to a full five year period of office.
Winston Churchill governed from 1951-55 with a majority of only 17, she said. There was no reason why the Tories should not do the same again This was the start of their infamous 13 vears of However it may come as quite a surprise to those of us who have grown used to Thatcher's vicious brand of To ryism red in tooth and claw to find that Churchill's final very different in Period of office was aracter from the last 13 years. Nor was this because he lacked an adequate majority.
Polarised
In 1951 British politics had almost completely polarised between the two parties, which between them shared a massive 96.8 votes cast, leaving the Liberal rump de Features percent of the John Major - dubbed Monsieur Ordinaire by French pres and the Bank of England. The Tories did not even contest nationalsanon of inc Bank of England, Churchill declaring it did not involve any issue of principle.
By the 1950 election, Labour had virtually dropped any further proposals tor nationalisation, its manifesto including only a limited extension that would cover industries emploving a mere 500,000 workers. This list was promptly dropped after the clection, and neither nationalisation nor socialism were mentioned in the 195. manifesto.
Though the Tories had opposed the nationalisation of electricity and fought unavailingly tostop Bevan's nationalisation of hospital services to form the Na tional Health Service, the only two industries Churchill's government moved to privatise were steel and road haulage.
Steel only had been finally nation. alised in 1951, with the old companies taken over en bla, so it was a simple matter for the Tories to reverse. Only part of road haulage was eventually privatised - for lack of buyers.
Health service
The Tories made no attempt to disnantle the hugely popular NHS, though they went further than Labour Chancel lor Hugh Gaitskell's 1951 budget (praised as a Tory' budget by the Daily Express) which had imposed charges for false teeth and spectacles; Chancellor Butler introduced prescription charges.