Kinnockite values: a sunken empty vessel THE ELECTION result shocked the expectations of the whole labour movement. After 13 years of Tory attacks Kinnock's New Model Labour Party was incapable of generating the real crusade needed to force the Tories out. Here PAUL CLARKE looks at the reasons for the defeat. At the end of the campaign there was a huge turnout. Clearly the Tories succeeded, with the help of the tabloid press, in bringing about a reactionary mobilisation of sections of the middle class, and better off sections of the working class. These people felt that despite recession they had done well out of the 1980s, and had no confidence in Labour to stabilise the economy.
The Tory campaign against the danger ortax increases, and their orrensive against the Liberal Democrats iberal Democrat vote generally meant a swing to the Tories.
Mobilised
Major's Conservatives succeeded, through their campaign against the dangers of a Labour government, massively mobilising their base. retrospect, even their campana m scor land against the dangers of devolution, nuper moolisca the muddle cliss Torces of reactionary Unionism.
After the low-points of 1983 and 1987 April 17, 1992 No.20 it would have been astounding if Labour plained is that despite recession, after and after attacks which millions of people suffered, the Labour campaign vas unable to fundamentally shift the situation.
No philosophy The basic issue is the policies, the form of campaign and the overall credibility of the Labour leadership. Kinnockism and Labour new realism were constructed for one thing and one thing only: to win a general election. In fact Kinnockism is without any deep philosophy project for renewing society; it is the brittle construction of advertising experts and 'spin doctors'.
The much-vaunted 'modernisation of the Labour Party has narrowed the real gap on policy between the parties to a narrow band within the same overall political outlook.
In the election campaign this resulted in obvious incoherence in Labour's political answers. Numerous example could be given. Kinnock and John Smith claimed there would be no increase in Hivink Scentes by proclaiming loyalty to the European (ERM) they signed away control of any deflationary policy dictated by the German Bundesbank.
This incoherence was perhaps a little obscure for most electors. There were much more important ones. Labour argued that it would rebuild the NHS, public services, education and industry. But no explanation of the funds for this LABOUR Next suits didn't give them the next government ...The election was not just lost during the campaign. It was a result of the decade-long imposition of new realism.
by conceding the political debate on the market economy to the Tories, by undermining working class confidence and combativity everywhere, totally undermined any project for radical social change... process was forthcoming. The argument that these things would be financed by 'growth was not convincing. Anybody with any sense knew that Labour had no answers to the recession.
Irrespective of the Tory offensive on tax cuts, millions of employed workers doubted that Labour would deliver them better living standards, or manage recession any better than the Tories. Probably mostly voters thought Labour vould find a way of putting a few more esources in the whe But marginal altruism could not win out over hardheaded economic calculation.
Just glitz So overall what Labour's campaign lacked, for all its glitz and professional presentation, was a clear-cut alternative to the Tories, a realistic project for reconstructing Britain on 'a socialist basis. This was not just a fault of camwit in the whole basis of Kinnockism and new realism.
Indeed the election was not just won or sost aurns te campain. I Is R outcome of the tohole decade-long process of apost new realism be the cacon move ment. union leaders, by failing to back working class strude uke ine rustone muners strike, by conceding the political debate on the market economy to the Tories, by undermining working class confidence and combativity everywhere, totally undermined any project for radical social change.
The result of new realism has been the fall in trade union membership by one third since 1979, and the departure of tens of thousands of activists from the Labour Party. All the most determined fighters against Toryism-the miners, the people of Scotland and elsewhere defy. ing the poll tax, those who wanted to resist rafe capping- have been spurned and witch hunted.
By demoralising and attacking the most fervent fighters against the Tory attacks, the Kinnockites and union new realists have sapped the will to resist. By conceding political argument after political argument they have disarmed hemselves in front of media hostility to socialism and radical alternatives.
This has had a lamentable effect on the whole culture and combativity of the labour movement, and cut it off from nany sectors of workers, especially youth. There are millions of young people, millions of people in service inlustries, and many of the poorest and most oppressed, who have never been in a union, and who don't see the relevance of the labour movement to their problems.
On election night John Prescott, shadow transport minister, was asked whether Labour's campaign presentathe differences between the parties. Diplomatically, as an official spokesperson on election night TV, he replied that this would have to be examined in the light of the election result. was a determination to steer clear ly, the high point in the Labour opinion oll ratings came after the row over its HS election broadcast. vary that the broadcar!
The precise way that the broadcast was done can be questioned. But despite
John Harris the ferocious Tory and gutter-press NHS onto the agenda, with a leap in poll scores. But in response Walworth Road campaign mangers cancelled a second NHS broadcast.
Fear of controversy, fear of appearing radical, fear of being sharply atfacked by permeated Kinnock's approach. But to no avail. For the ruling lass and its Fleet Street rotweilers, anything was ammunition against Labour. The party was bound to be savagely attacked whatever it said.
The only way to counter that was to resume the offensive, to rip apart the Tor rcord, and to propose a wholly different programme of government to Worse, the US-style imageadvertising philosophy of Labour's campaign riske reating the electorate as stupid, always a fatal mistake.
Put at its simplest, Labour's campaign said that with very marginally different policies to the Tories, a ment would make a massive difference to the daily lives of ordinary people. That was frankly incredible; and not many people believed it.
The swing to Labour was biggest in areas which have felt the impact of the recession and specific Tory attacks most. Tory marginals fell to Labour in the North West, the Midlands and London, all areas hard hit by recession, unemployment, poverty and cutbacks in Swings Labour's victories in Birmingham Northhelds and selly wax snowed Longbridge car workers faced with the crushing of the industry turning back to There was a big swing to Labour "The results for Nellist, Fields in Oxford East, and Tommy Sheridan, and for sile or the cowiey car plant which the left wing MPs, showed there faces near was a basis for radical destruction. campaigning, and it worked"
In the mining areas of Nottingham the savaging of the local coal industry, despite the : role of the UDM in 1984-5, nabled Labour to make gains and the Midlands mean that the Tories did worse in those areas. In the north, Manchester and its surrounding towns have fared worse in the recession than many areas. So while Pendle and Hyndburn fell to Roy Hattersley: his old styfe social democracy is finished Labour, the swing to Labour in most of Yorkshire was very small.
In most areas where there were strong left wing campaigns, Labour candidates did better. Jeremy Corbyn, Dennis Skinner and Bernie Grant all did well prominent Campaign Group MPs, only Alice Mahon in Halifax in Yorkshire saw her majority go down.
At the same time expelled MPs Dave Nellist and Terry Fields both did well (s00 page 2). Scottish Militant Labour candidate Tommy Sheridan got OVOM 6000 votes in Glasgow Pollok, pushing the Tories into third place The results for Nellist, Fields and Tommy Sheridan, and for the left wing MPs, showed there was a basis for radical campaigning, and it worked.
These results in recession-hit areas and where there were left campaigns represented an elemental class polarisation. But these results were over whelmed by other much more negative factors on a nationwide basis.
Hatred
voted Hatred of the have voted Labour. Hatred of the ensured that. But how many people who voted Labour did so because they believed a Kinnock government would usher in a totally new situation for working pelesson of the campaign is that to shift a mountainous Tory majority it was пессозату to waxenora meas canpaon but a political A political crusade doesn't just mobilise a vote, it inspires people, it pulls them into action, t gives them a clear vision of a radicall different future. Kinnock gave not a clear and inspiring vision, but blurred, confused and insincere promises. A1 ready various media pundits are argucal changes mal it impossible for Labour ever to win again, and that the working class is to small a base to build a popular This arument will undoub tedly be reflected on the left; it should be resisted.
From a purely factual point of view it Britain remains an over whelmingly working class country: more than that recent survey show that at least 80 per cent regard themselves as working class.
In some inner-city constituencies, Putney is a classic example, there have been social changes which have brought in more 'yuppified" middle class voters, and where high housing prices have pushed out the traditional working class. But these changes have a margina effect on the election outcome nationWice What will now be the outcome of Kinnockism's debacle? For British capitalism it creates more stable political conditions, but solves none of its underlying economic problems. The slump will continue This will translate into more sustained attacks on the working class, in a situation with a stable Tory najority Inside the Labour movement as whole, especially in the new-realist dominated trade unions, the immediate reaction is likely to be of scepticism and demoralisation.
Demoralised
Workers under attack will most likely feel that the balance of forces in society has moved against them once more. How this will pan out in the longer term diate demoralisation, there is the fact that the argument of waiting for Labour is no longer credible; those under immediate attack will have to fight back or go under.
The left must now be prepared to pile in to support struggles wherever and whenever they break out. The long task Architects of failure: GMB leader Edmonds, Engineers' chief Laird if rebuilding confidence in struggle wi robably start around small strikes an low-key campaigns. But generalising and popularising any struggles which do break out will pay immense dividends in the long term.
In the Labour Party Kinnockism faces a crisis. The right wing will want to go further to the right, and probably elect Smith as leader. Jut the opportunity ex ists now for the left to go on the offensive shee of connie one rate co and vigorously out the balance ments by Jeremy Corbyn, Dennis Skinner and Ken Livingstone after the clec tion result show that such an offensive is on the cards.
The debate on new realism must go much deeper than 'policies' and 'image. It is a question of completely renovating the labour movement, from top to botfights, rather than a movement which hides and prays for future electoral suc cess.
The relationship between election results and the class struggle is always complex. In certain conditions defensive fights can turn rapidly to the offensive. The task of socialists is always not to lament present defeats but to prepare the future. Through the tough struggles ahead, that is now our task.
In the current situation only a minority is likely to heed the critique of Kinnockism and new realism made by the left. But forging a socialist alternative in every sector of the labour movement, based on that minority, is essential to socialist advance.
No. 20 April 17, 1992
Marxism