IT LOOKED as though an important deal had been struck in El Salvador at the end of April.
For the past two years, the left wing guerrilla fighters of the FMLN have been putting major emprasis negotiated settlement to the 11 reaching year old civil war.
On April 29 the rebel radio station Venceremos quoted FMLN commandante (and Party leader) Shafik Handal as saying that the deements were significant achievements'. Though partial, they would have overwhelming consequences.
The past two years have seen an advance in the FMLN's fortunes on a domestic front, while the international balance of forces have moved against them. There has been considerable pressure on both sides to reach a settlement.
The FMLN believe that they would not receive the military aid that would be necessary to run El Salvador if they came to power by military means. The by Charlie van Gelderen right wing ARENA government and the Salvadorean army are very unpopular internationally and in the USA. They are too stubborn, anti-American, violent, and overall a 'bad investment for the USA.
The FMLN have used all kinds of pressure to force concessions out of the government. A constant military attack has worried both the army and the rich elite, who cannot make the profits that would be available if the war ended.
Meanwhile, exposure of the worst excesses of the deathsquad government has won powerful domestic and international support for far-reaching TeTonis The main aim of the negotiations is to have major sections of the army disbanded. This would open up the possibility of sufficient democratic space openly in politica participate for the FMLN to The FMLN demilitarised Er sposing are Salvador in which there is only a professional polce force lett.
As with many negotiations, they get bogged down on issues such as the shape of the table, mediation in the settlement of disputes where it meets, and so on. The past year has occupied this ground.
The hard-liners in ARENA, however, do not want to see any deal. They see President Cristiani, on the 'wet' wing of the fascist party, as a crypto-communist, ready to sell the country on a plate. They are thus particularly pleased with Article 248 of the constitution, which stipulates that any changeto the constitution must be ratified by two consecutive National Assemblies. In other words, it would take up to three years to confirm any reforms negotiated with the FMLN.
The recent negotiations were the first concentrated attemptto thrash out real changes to the constitution. It started with the easier sections, and so did not include Article 248, nor, most contentious of all, the army.
There was an important deadline for the talks. The old national Assembly ended in April, and the new Assembly, elected in March, met at the beginning of May. So constitutional changes could be ratified by both in the same period.
The agreements reached included the subordination of the Not much room for negotlation: Salvador armed forces shoot first discuss later army to civilian rule, and the establishment of a police force under civilian control. In addition, changes were made to the legal system to safeguard human rights, along with alterations in the electoral system and the establishmentofa 'truth commission'.
The talks in Mexico overran considerably and were interrupted by the right and centre parties, who came to intervene in support of their own version of an agreement. The major achievement of the talks was the unanimous agreement on substantial reforms. These did not, however, change the nature of the state or undermine the foundations of the oligarchy.
Different version
Considerable bullying was necessary to get agreement on the reforms from the outgoing National Assembly. It was rejected in the morning, and was only later agreed after intervention from the US embassy, the UN, and the President.
It subsequently emerged that the Assembly had agreed a different version of the agreement, leaving out the most important elements of the reforms.
The result is that the methods of election of Supreme Court magistrates and the 'Supreme Electoral Tribunal' remain as ARENA had argued. The FMLN are now returning to the. UN, arguing that there has been foul play.
Though it is significant that the talks have taken place at all, a ceasefire is still a long way off. It appears that the intervention of the UN. is insufficient to ensure that the government negotiates in 200e faith. Without the backing of the USA, the UN is a toothless beast.
The Bush administration is now slightly changing tack, but will continue to try to prevent the FMLN from gaining power, whether by parliamentary or military means.
Its latest gambit is to attempt to persuade the National Assembly to elect Ruben Zamora, a long-standing ally of the FMLN® to the powerless vicepresidency. of the Assembly. The intention is to create a democratic image - but in reality the war goes on.