LOCAL GOVERNMENT was at the heart of the Tories' attacks on the 'nanny state". When Thatcher came to power in 1979 local councils wielded considerable financial clout.
By definition, they were bastions of non-Tory local power in many areas. But what set the lories on their crusade against local jobs and serlocal loft - 'municipal In the early '80s, the GLC under Ken Livinosione and other metropolitan councils like Shaffield. putting forward progressive policies munities, occupied centre stage Infuriated at the abilty of local authorities to buck the Westminster monetarist directives. Thatcher Osed Two major proposals which would ditch the municipal socialists -sower. and the abolition of the April 4, 1992 No. 19 conveniently scrap the GLC. cils was difficult to resist. But rate capping cout, polenosy, Do tessied vy refusing to set rate-capped budget levels, and by mobilising workers and the local communities in defence of social needs.
The struggle over rate capping emerged simultaneously with the Sve it required co-ordinated resistance prepared to go into legality and face disqualfication.
Brave words however did not bring forth such brave actions as council by government Labour left was tested. A crunch point came with the GLC.
Livingstone's decision to fold up the rate capping struggle. against the others, gave the green light to dozens In the end, half way through 1985, the Camdens. Greenwichs and Isingtons had fallen by the wayside. But the struggle was valiantly fought by Liverpool, under Mlitant leadership and by Lambeth.
But in the end resistance could not be sustained by just two councils. After the impostion of aboltion and rate capping the Tories stormed for. waro to no ocal governmens with privatisation - 'compulsory competitive tenderingThe local government unions, wil issuing unmet threats of resis ance by NĂLGO, largely concedec -at least at national level. As the tide of redundancies grew in the late 1980s, local branches were generally left to fight off cuts and redundancies defeats. And then came the poll tax.
The poll tax was a bridge too far for Thatcher. It ran into trouble because of its blatant injustice and because it tion, including Tory supporters. And it ran into trouble because a resistance campaign was constructed which did not rely on the support of national unions, elected authontes or Labour leaders.
Poll tax non-payment and the mass campaign it engendered escaped the control of the Labour and mass support without winning inside the offical labour movement struc tures. That was the key to its success. The bureaucracy could not derail k.
In March 1990 200,000 people marched against the tax. The calcudion failed to discredit opposition to the poll tax: rather i just highlighted and reinforced that opposition.
The poil tax is gone but Thatcher's local government legacy lives on. Underfunding is stil leading to massive cuts and job losses. And municipal partisans largely having ceased coun right. Whoever wins the elections a massive fight to defend and rebuid local services wii be needed.
International News ociali.