1992 is election year. Labour politicians are dusting off their less and less radical pledges to reform British capitalism, allowing us to recall how wide is the gulf] between social democracy and socialism.
Of course the Labour lary, uniike many of the European social democratic parties (which in their carly year paid at least lip- service to the Marxist programme), has never wen a socialist party:
Labour's sights have never bean raised above the target of obtaining a najority in parliament through which -if the capitalist economy will allow - to legislate reforms and concessions for the working class.
As a result, none of the Labour governments that has been elected has posed the slightest threat to capitalism: andeed they have defended and even strengthened the state apparatus which is key to upholding capitalist rule.
The fact is that winning a majority in parliament is not the same as taking controi of the state. Tony Benn's revelations of the ways in which Labour ministers were given the run-around by top civil servants in the 1960s and 1970s, and the evidence in Spycatcher and elsewhere of secret service phone-tapping and covert activity against Labour ministers ( experience of the military coup xist government in Chile in 1973.
While socialists have to make use of what Lenin and Marx called the "pigsty" of bourgeois parliamentarism, must also recognise the limitations of paramentary activity.
The main support for capitalist rule is not parliament - a body whose personnel can be changed by the electorate every five years - but the permanent state apparatus, combining the armed forces and police with the judiciary and courts and the permanent elite which runs the civil service.
Friederich Engels explained how the form of the state apparatus has evolved in history and dramatically streng thened to suit the needs of capitalism:
"The state arose from the need to hold class antagonisms in check, but because it arose, at the same time, in the midst of the state of the most powerful economically dominant class, which through the medium of the state becomes politically dominant class, and thus acquires new means of holding down and ploiting the oppressed clas democracy is an instrument of crass nule, the 'war engine' of the capitalists gainst armed men - as Engels quipped, behind the fine phrases of Liberty Fraternity lurk cavalry, artillery and fn fantry.
Feb. 29. 1992 No. 17 recognised - at first in theory, and then through the experience of revolutionary struggles in 1848, 1850 and the Paris Commune of 1871 - that the state machinery cannot be reformed or used by the working class. It must be smashed and replaced by a new form of state.
As Lenin summed up:
"All previous revolutions perfected the state machine, oroke nashe s concuson is tae chief and fundamental point in the marLenin drew two further points from this which underline the gap between the marxism which overthrew capitalism in Russia and the reformism which has upheld it everywhere eise.
The finst was that the liberation of the opPressed ossioie intouxn par The state which was cre ated by the ruling clas cannot be made to abolish itself any more than the bourgeossie will voluntarily give up its property, power and privtlere it can only be de stroyed through a violent revolution.
Thesecond was that the working clase needs to replace the capitalist state machinery with a new form of state, one that that would act to uphold the ruleof the prole"The state is a special organ of force: it is an organisation of violence for the suppression of some class. What class they must the proletariat suppress? Naturally only the exploiting class, i.e. the bourgeoisie."
Majority
A key difference is that while the capitalists as a small minority need a large armed force to protect their interests against the majority, the working class has the advantage of numbers, and does not need a specific, professionalised standing army.
The dictatorship of the proletariat' means that for the first time in history the vast majority should arm itself to impose its will and authority over a small, exploitative minority of the population.
Step one towards establishing a ge nuine teorkers" state is therefore the comalso the bined step of smashing the military backbone of the old regime and erecting a completely new armed authority:
"The first decree of the (Paris) Comcapitalist mune was the suppression of the stand- ing army, and its replacement by the armed people."
We can guage how far today's social democracy has degenerated from even the paper promises of 'socialists" at the Equality, turn of the century when Lenin tells us that in 1917 "This demand now figures in the programme of every party calling band the armed forces! old capitalist state. exemplary actions of the THURS whereas it must be to recall. extension of direct democracy. shevik Party. ideal of 'cheap government"
If Labour health, housing or education. Marx, Engels and Lenin.
Useful pamphlets:
Э0iOd:
Baker has itself socialist". Today's Labour leaders won't even scrap Trident, let alone dis- Europé' The proletarian state must function on a completely different basis from the main waspons must be democracy and the mass move ment that created it. Marx explains the Paris ComFascists "The police.. was at once stripped of its political attributes and turned into the responsible and at all times revocable instrument of the Commune. So were the officials of other branches of the administration. From the members Commune downwards, service had to be done at workmen's zorges. "The privileges and the allowances of the high assaitarics or stateds appeared along with the election. NeVon.na Ironically the leading advocaten of MPs being paid a worker's tumed wage Terry Fields and Dave Nellist - are both expelled by Kinnock, while no top civil servani, general or judge will fear for their jobs or inflated salaries should Labour be The Commune also acted to "break streets. the power of the priests," and to make juges elective, responsible and subject Lenin underlines how these changes mont. created a qualitativly new form of state, based on the armed power of the ma jority, the workers and the oppressed, and strengthened by an unprecedented It was this model which the Bolshe viks were consciously to emulate after the October Revolution - until the rot of Stalinism set in and destroyed the BolWith tongue in check, Lenin also argues that proletarian dictatorship, by lisposing of the costly standing army police and state bureaucracy, payıng wage, is the epitome of the bourgeois really wanted a radical answer to the Tory jibes about taxation. they could follow the route mapped out by the Paris Commune, scrap the expensi ma parape ratin t ie on palis ne people and shill spend additiona billions saved on something useful, liko Those of us who feel that Kinnock's party is unlikely to make this kind of dramatic turn must continue to battle within the labour movement for a socialist alternative based on the lessons of Lenin The State and Revolution Marx: The Civil War in France ANTI-DEPORTATION campaigners celebrated as Kenneth Baker's racist Asylum Bill recently bit the dust. Baker explained that the Bill had not been withdrawn, but was merely a victim ofa lack of parliamentary time.
But there is no doubt that the massive campaign akaist tue bul which provoked united opposition from the lack community, trade unionists anc priests - was the reai reason for its demise. he Tories had alresdy retreated on al number of its key provisions, extending the time allowed for appeal against deportation and extending the legal aid But the pressure must be maintained.
1881078 reintroduce the Bill if he gets a chance. There is no doubt that the Tories will carry on using the racist rules of 'Fortress to attack black immigrants at every opportunity.
The campaign against the Asylum Bill shows that the only way that the racists can be beaten back is a united fightback, mobilising the black communities and the labour movement on the streets. scuppered in Rochdale By Janet Watson ACCORDING TO the Britsh National Party up to 100 of thei supporters were expected at a Rochdale city centre rally on February 16th. The rally was to be adressed by one of the BNP's central leaders Richard Edmonds. The event was intended to be the launch of their campaign leading up to their leading hatemongers contesting the Rochdale seat in The landlord of the pub where the rally was to be hold was forcod by the brewery not to allow the meeting to take place up they to found the place occupied by i of anti-fascist activists. Some supporters of the BNP attempted to moet in anther pubi newby, but were likewise prevented from doing so.
Around 300 ant-lascisis took part in she cupation of the pubs in the centre of Rochdale as wel as arsinouin tousanos e leanets on ae The mobilisation was a success in the limited time avatable for mobilisation - 3 days. However. what was also shown, were the problems caused by disunity within the ant-racist anti-fascist moveThe mobilisation was the resut of the activity of dividuals involved in various different group:
Anti-Fascist Action, the Inti-Nazi League/SWP, the Blackley Anti-Racist Group and to a lesser extent the Antí-Racist Allance. tunatery the smriAnt claimed that the event nd an ANL mobifsation and procoeded on that basis, snowing inte tegaro for the oier tordes ivored Pressure must be exerfed on all organisations especially the SWP, notto allow sectarian rivalries or differing opinions on tactics to take precedence over the buding of the strongest possible opposition to the rising threat of fascism.
Sahitharan murdered by racists Deane family brutalised by police MARCH FOR Demonstrate against racist attacks and police harassment Assemble 12.30pm Saturday 28 March Plashet Park, East Ham, London E6 Organised by Deane Famiy and Sahitharan Memorial Committee, Newham Monitoring Projoct
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