In December the much-heralded European summit takes place in the Dutch town of Maastricht. What is it really about, and what do the debates between the different European capitalist nations involve? OLIVER MACDONALD xplains HE CENTRAL issue at Maastrich is that of 'political union'. This is not a project for a European super-state, but for a much tighter alliance of the European capitalist states to meet the economic challenge of Japan and the United States.
so tar. the centrepiece of moves towards European economic unity has been monetary union, a single currency. political union is also needed.
ts a matter or contidence. It banks and other institutions hold vast quantities of the future European currency the Ecu, they will have to be sure that political union will hold and this currency will not collapse.
Even if there is agreement at Maastricht it does not mean that and political union will be achieved: it will be more a statement of intent. Monetary and political union involves enormous upt neavals.
ror example, lian capitalst runs an enormous debt and high inflation, which has been vital for tinancing the No. 12 Nov. 23, 1991 patronage which maintains the Chris. tian Democrats in power. monetary union it will not be possible. It means a shuddering crisis of economic adjustment.
One of the biggest problems to be vercome is the world economic reces sion. If the Amencan economy does not pick up, if there is a repeat of the 1981-2 it could economic and political integration.
In the last recession the customs union against America and Japan." of the Common Market effectively broke France and Italy imposed customs duties on HEC ontravention of the Treaty of Rome, to defend their own economic interests. This could easily happen again.
If European integration was actually achieved at a time of economic crisis, then this would probably mean much more or a tortres: economic level, with sharp trade wars against America and Japan.
Because it is easily the richest, the German government has the most options. Ií European political union turned out to e imposible then Germany be o United States - effectively dissoiving the EC into a broader free trade bloc with V.
Major under pressure from Kohl and Mitterand (top) while Le Pen (left) and (above) using Jacques Delors (mid-right) as a hate figure After dominance. project would have other options. But there gravely harm reassert other. goods in complete Political union means ments. Europe at the European Parliament, tegrated Europe will be enormously strengthened. tions of capital will pushed by In this situation it is very Kohl hard-right parties organise. Ridley (right) and Thatcher target Tory rank-and-fie EFTA and maybe some East European states, and jint US-German political So if the political union collapsed, Germany at least dominance. would be overheads. Without political integration Germany, as the economically most powerful state, in European politics - and this could кокетлет open an opportuny to the Amencans to their influence in European policy politics, playing one side against the giving the apstitutions. But, of course, real power will The real push for stronger European political institutions, for more power for comes from the German government. A more in- German- influence. dominated and the power of German capital at the heart of Europe will be Weaker secgo to the wall. much in the interests of German cipita to deflect dis. content to Europe-wide institutions; and to ensure that social demands become demands on European institutions and not protests against German wealth and Euro-militarism Moving together in the most impor tant realms of politics means moving and security policies. This is what underlies the Fran•-German proposal for a Euro-army The real debate on military policy anc ure of NATO, which is dominated the United States.
Monetary and political union implies that NATO domination is broken, and that European military and security decisions are made inde pendently of the Americans. This involves both an independent command structure and defence industry. The proposal for a european minary force t symbolic, because France is not in the NAIV many structure The United States has a rhetoric of wanting a European pillar tor the Western military alliance, but of course in reality they are very much opposed to breaking the NATO structure, which would mean drastically reducing their For capitalist Europe a vital question now is whether it can impose its will in eastern Europe. What we have seen in Yugoslavia could be repeated in other military contlicts. ins is beans usea as an argument for the necessity of a If there is a big leap forward in
European capitalist integration, Britain cannot afford to stay out. in the past has been to be fully invoived in the EC as an economic zone, but to preserve its world political role through NATO. But political union would finish America's loyal lieutenant in this kind of dual role.
Britain's role
The Tory right, Thatcher, Ridley and friends want to maintain the old system. But it is unlikely that they can. There are other developments which are very threatening to the Tory party specifically. as opposed to the general interests of big capital in Britain.
Politics in Europe is dominated by Christian Democratic and social democratic corporatism, as opposed to thestrong neo-liberal tree marcasm w Britain and the United States. Even if ne-lihoralism is in reality strong in Europe, the ideological difference is very important. Tory ideology, with its comnitment to strong nationalism, the leology of 'Great' Britain, is threatener by European political integration.
Also the Maastricht process threatens the Tories' social policies in the dispute over the 'social charter.
What lies behind this is German opposition to what they call 'social dumping - British goods, produced by cheaper labour with low welfare and social costs, undercutting German and other European goods. This campaign against 'social dumping' could end it there were a major relocation of German capital towards production in east
PHOTO: John Hands
European enclaves. But for the moment German domestic industry is too profitable for that to develop rapidly.
Neo-fascism There is a real danger of the rise to power of the authoritarian right, par ticularly in France. This right differs in important respects from inter-war tascism. This doesn't mean that it is less dangerous, but in order to combat it we "The situation of the world economy in the advanced capitalist economies is a very dangerous one, with a possibility of a huge neo-fascist movements could gain in strength." have to know exactly what it is.
This authoritarian right, expressed in Le Pen's Front National in France, the Republicans and the Vlaamsblok Beigium, German Peoples Union in Germany, the Freedom Party in the far-right leagues in Italy, are not linked to pre-capitalist clasas was pre-war fascism. It is not linked to small artisans and the old aristocracy. Thus it does not have the 'anticapitalist ideology of pre-war fascism.
All these parties seek to use the machinery of the liberal capitalist state, and are not calling for its overthrow his politigal machinery 'liberal democracy, can be used for ver poisonous purposes. It reacts very violently to attempts by socialist forces to take control of it and push it to the left. But it does not react to attempts by those who reject Liberal-democratic talues to take control.
The serious far right parties in Europe, unlike the skinhead gangs in Germany, are not plebeian in character. For example in France, where extreme rightism has always been a middle class phenomenon, the young technocratic political elite is going over to the FN. The new right intellectuals call themselves 'national liberals'.
There are strong affinities between ome of the policies of these grouping:
ind those of 1980s Thatcherism, which i sometimes obscured by their concentration on racist agitation. Meanwhile the old authentic fascist movement, led by the MSI in Italy, is in some crisis. Forces like the FN embody capitalism', rather than What was demagogically, the anti-capitalist ideology of Hitler or Mussolini. But there are many parallels between these organisations and fascism. They are extremely dangerous -much more so than the gangs of thugs who go round shouting Sieg Heil' in Germany:
The international orientation of these fonces is not so dear. For example, the right wing of the US Republican Party is involved in financing the FN, which could lead Le Pen towards some form of pro-Americanism. On the other hand his movement embodies strong echoes of the Petain pro-German regime during the Second World War. We should never forget that Nazism was a rather successful movement for European unity -under German domination, denouncing 'American plutocracy' Bolshevism'.
Labour movement
The whole of the labour movement in Europe is reeling from the events in eastern Europe, which have destroyed the Communist parties. For example, the Italian Communist Party was one of the great bastions of the European labour movement, and this is in total collapse.
This crisis will be overcome - the question is how? The whole period of the 1980s has been very difficult for the labour movement to deal with. There have been huge restructuring attacks, high levels of unemployment, and the collapse of social democratic weitare Keynsianism. The social democrats have just aped the policies of the right.
e aditnod coptheist economies lin the advanced capitalist ery dangerous one, with a possibility o it will have a catastrophic impact in Europe. The labour movement could be massive ly thrown back, and the neo-fascist movements could gain in strength.
But at the same time it will lead to a search for alternative policies to beat the Then question will be whether the left will have a programcoherent platform for economic growth and social protection.
It is more and more obvious that we have to have a programme of demands posed at a European-wide level. The necessity for this is compounded by the potentially catastrophic situation in the Soviet Union. Privatisation would lead to the destruction of vast swathes Soviet industry. The demand for aid for reconstruction in the Soviet Union, and not the utterly destructive policies of the IMF and the World Bank is an absolute No. 12 Nov. 23, 1991
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slump. If that happens, it will have a catastrophic impact in Europe. The labour movement could be massively thrown back, and the