Peter Purton, LCLGR
THE "Manifesto for Lesbian and Gay Equality" published by the Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights (LCLGR) and launched at a press conference by UNISON general secretary Rodney Bickerstaffe, is a comprehensive statement of the changes a Labour government needs to introduce if discrimination against lesbians and gay men in all areas of life is to be outiawed The goal is seen as winnable. Every single demand in the Manifesto has been carried by a Labour Party conference - five times since 1985 - and the vote in favour in 1994 was 97.6 per cent. Wide backing exists already - for example, from UNISON and the NUS LGB Conference. The document is providing the framework for detailed discussion with Alan Michael MP. the home office shadow minister with the lesbian and gay minister The Manifesto is also a campaigning document. LCLGR has no illusion that Labour in office will rush to overturn a century of legal oppression in the face of tabloid homophobia. A couple of days before the launch, Labour MPs were given a free vote on ending the ban on homosexuals in the armed forces. Eight voted against and most were away. Tony Blair, who did speak out on the age of consent issue in 1994, stated that he was against the ban - but first the armed forces chiefs had to be convinced! No wonder LCLGR recognises it has an uphill struggle to win backing in the lesbian and gay communities, where the great majority which hates the Tories is understandably doubtful of Labour's commitment.
Everyone can play their part in making Labour MPs conscious that they must not betray these conference commitments to absolutely basic principles of equality LCLGR wants the Manifesto discussed everywhere in the labour movement. It is especially keen to explain why the issues which MPs find "difficult", like fertility rights for lesbians, artificial insemination and fostering and adoption rights, are essential to winning equality.
Speakers can be provided. Every CLP has been sent a copy of the Manifesto.
This is a rare campaign where all wings though ironically neither is prepared to give up any arms prior to Sinn Fein increased its vote by 55 per cent since the 1992 election, mostly at the expense of the SDLP, giving it its highest vote ever.
The purpose of the vote was to force Sinn Fein to publicly acknowledge its acceptance of an internal settlement.
In a number of recent speeches. including an interview with the Financial Times, Gerry Adams has shown his desire to be flexible. Irish unity is, in his opinion, a long way off.
An IRA cease-fire is not likely in LCLGR, in pursuit of a principled goal. Ultimate success depends, however, winning active support from all sections of the labour movement in the run-up to the LCLGR has no illusion that Labour in office will rush to overturn a century of legal oppression will be less restrained about defence of the Union.
Despite all the choreography about de-commissioning, the main obstacle to British success in remaking the partition settlement of 1921 is not the Republicans but the Unionists.
Socialists maintain that the six-county statelet is not reformable. What the "peace" process is dem* Contact LCLGR at PO Box 306, London N5. Copies of the Manifesto available at 30p each plus postage from the same actress. onstrating once again is that the British ruling class are incapable of reforming the British state.
It is incapable of making the most minimal concessions in return for an agreement which would actually strengthen its position in Ireland by strengthening partition.
Surely a lesson for reformists everywhere.