THE 'domino effect of collapsing Communist Parties in eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union has finally reached the hitherto calmest corner of the Balkans.
In Bulgara, the Socialist (formerly Communist) Party which clung to power after the bloodless overthrow of Todor Zhivkov in 1989, was ousted in the countrys erectors onl October 13.
Although complete voting figures were stil being compiled at the time of writing, it is clear that the opposi tion Union of Democratic Forces (UDF) will now form Bulgana's first non-Communist government for The UDF, a mixed bag of mainly pro-capitalist and pro-US forces, has been tom by bitter in-fighting for months over whether to collaborate with the Socialist Party (SP) in Parliament. In fact, shortly before the elections, three 'green" and social democratic groupings broke away and decided to go it alone (unsuccessfully) at the polis.
Nonetheless, the UDF has apparently won over 36 per cent of the vote. ahead of the Socialists estimated 33 per cent. It looks as it the Turkish Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF), with 6 per cent.
There is little likelihood that the SP will be able to do any deals with the MRf to paralyse the new cover ment in zaivkovs day. tie Communist Party persecuted the million-strong Turkish minority in Bulgaria and in the fun to to these elections the Socialists continued to counte namonals, and turkiss vote. 4 AUDFMRF coation is now the most probable development, though the UDF itself is by no means free of anti-Turkish elements and the Turkish movement's leaders are sure to drive a hard bargain in an effort to fully regain their lost democratic rights.
The most significant outcome of the elections is the fact that. even the Socialists were still defeated. The stage is now set for the final disintegration of the Party. Its decay became clearly visible last year when, despite its change of name, and its outright victory in the first free elections in June, the SP kept many of Zhivkov's old faces at the helm.
Still intact as weil was the nomenklatura, the prosperous party members in the bureaucracy, the army and at the head of the state While they made plans to try to cash in on Buigaria's first moves towards the free market, the mass of the people were already reeing
Belgrade o
YUGOSLAVIA from unemployment, rationing and An important tuming point came with the September "90 Party congress, where reformers were outflanked by the old guard, whose hold on the party was reaffirmed.
By December, as the economy spraied into chaos and alter nude demonstrations and a general strike the Socialist government was forced into a caretaker coalition wth the UDF.
ine presant electons may lare temporarily broken the political stalemate. Economically, however. Bulgaria remains the most unstable of any of the former Comecon trading partners. ROMANIA Bule •Bucharest BULGARIA Black Sea ment, sharply declining production, falling exports to hard currency counthes and grave shortages of petrol and other essential goods.
Workers continue to radicalise in their fight to defend their livelihoods and democratic rights. The unions achieved a partly inflation-proofed pay agreement with the govemment and employers in January, anticipating the February price liberalisation, with a rise in the national minimum wage of 128 per cent.
Nevertheless. Bulgaria may yet have to go through the convulsions of its Balkan neighbours before conanons tor a red renewa of tie workers' movement and its leadership are created. No. 10 Oct. 26, 1991
Lesbian and gay politics atter the Clause Edited by Tara Kaufmann and Paul Lincoln Prism Press, 1991 £6.95 Reviewed by Dani Ahrens THIS is an important and challenging book. As a Chronicle of recent lesbian and gay history this collecwhere Radical Records left diversity of lesbian and gay communities and essays by the editors provide a strong theoretical thread throughout the book.
Two particularly owerful articles are Disabled lesbian and gays are here to stay!" by Kirsten Hearn, and The man' by Peter Nevins. Both express anger at the oppressive attitudes and behaviour with are riddled. But they alsc communities growing self-organisation of oth black and disabled lesbians and gay men.
Less pleasant memories may wen be surred Dy Jonathan Louw's description outes that quite rapidly destroyed the London Stop Louw underestimates the significance of political diferences. but the prece is more seriously flawed by its exclusive focus on London. Innesses of the book as a whole is its London centric bias Other contributors attempt to analyse the political basis of the Stop the Clause campaign. It is extremely refreshing to critique of the 'we cant help it - we were born that way line of defence, that was adopted by most of the prominent camVicola Field addresses She also raises crucial questions about the meaning of the 'family (pretended or otherwise) in a capitalist, patriarchal society and the meaning of childhood and the treatment of charen.
This essay is also the only one to pay attention to the issue of education. But it misses the actual effects of Section Lesbians and gay men must bulld on strengths of 'Stop the Clause campaign for struggles to come 28 in the education system, as well as a strategic view for the way ahead Sarah Roelots and Bob Cant contribute valuable scene-setParty and local government respectively.
Tara Kaufmann's article on the use of the imagery of the Holocaust was particularly interesting. But the essays on AIDS and HIV, while important in themselves, did not make the necessary connec tons between AIDS and Section 28 The book leaves the reader with a fairly rounded picture of what Section 28 is and isn't, weaknesses of the campaign that sprung up to oppose it.
Celebration of the achieve ments of lesbians and gay men is well balanced by the many challenges that remain for both the lesbian and gay movement and for the left.