Women and Socialism: As the resistance to globalisation develops, skills such as caring, the work itself is Learning from History the question of how oppressed groups in society can fight against their oppression, and on what basis, could come to the fore as it did during the 1970s. Jane Kelly and Julia Brandreth examine what the left can learn from women's struggles of the 70s and 80s, taking issue in particular with Lindsey German's recent article in International Socialism. The histories of women's struggles reveal that not only do women always play a significant role in revolutionary change, but that demands for equality and women's liberation are raised successfully and achieved during periods of general and militancy heightened struggle. The development of mass campaigns for women's rights are shift in working class consciousness. usually linked to the levels of class struggle generally. This does not mean that a revival of the women's movement cannot happen before a rise in working class militancy, or that women should wait. Rather it would be a sign, or harbinger. of a new situation inside the working class. Leon Trotsky, referring to a new rise in militancy by students and intellectuals, explained that 'the wind often blows the tops of the trees first. It was the mass actions of women who sparked developments in both the French and Russian revolutions. Any analysis of the effectiveness or otherwise of women's organisation issue 003 spring, 2004 Socialist, Outlook Page 27 has thus to be politically and historically contextualised. The recent developments of international mass do not want to accept changes which anti-capitalist and anti-war movements, capitalism has imposed on them, ten radicalising generation young people and re-politicising older are on medication to treat depression. to renewed struggles around issues of is composed of a majority of oppression, and both could stimulate a women, and a high proportion Women and work Women's issues are likely to come to the fore again in the next period because of the profound changes that have taken place over the last fifteen years or so in the ways we work. Both for women and for men, working conditions have undergone dramatic changes during the last decades of the twentieth century, affecting social relations both in and beyond the family. their labour produces, women, Despite the fact that women now make black people, lesbians and gay up at least half the workforce, we still only earn around 75% of a male extra burden of oppression. Of wage. In addition as women's work is often related to our assumed female usually in a segregated labour market, often undervalued and underpaid. Marx's concept of the 'reserve army of labour, suggests that both women and young people have been used to undermine the notion of 'a job for life', previously the prerogative of male industrial and skilled workers. Now all workers - women and men, old and young - have to work as part of a flexible workforce, including part- time, temporary jobs and with periods of un- and under-employment.' This process has undermined many traditional and long-held beliefs about social and sexual relations. It is no coincidence that in this period of quite major change, when many cannot or of per cent of the population in Britain may therefore also lead We can be sure that this ten per cent of black people. How can we 1 For fuller analy- account for this? sis of this process see, Jane Kelly, Women, Work and the Family: or why Women's oppression Postmodernism and the Women's cannot explain the links, in Liberation Movement Dave Hill, Peter McLaren, Mike One reason for this is that the Cole, Glenn experience of these changes Rikowski ((2002) is worse for those who are Marxism Against Postmodernism already oppressed. While all in Educational the working class population is Theory, Lexington exploited for the surplus value Books. Also Lindsey German, 'Women's Liberation Today' men and the disabled carry an in International Socialism, 101, course, doing paid Bee Winter, 2003. DEBATE
home when much more decisive factors were women, was an exemplary alliance of Engels pointed out, is a particularly after Thatcher's election working class that, along with pro- to do the bulk of domestic labour and Important trade union struggles con- the 1980s the women of the Greenham described by Engels - 'Within the including the weakness of the Marxist against Pit Closures Movement visited all women - within the bourgeois ing especially socialist and radical (or retreat into "post-feminism' after the women's independence, precondition for women's liberation. Since, however, most women continue to take responsibility at home, integration into the waged workforce is a double-edged sword. in the balance of forces against the Roles within the family, so aptly family he is the bourgeois and the wife represents the proletariat" - continue, conditions that have taken place. The analysis by Engels suffered by women nuclear family was once more widely understood than it is today. It led many socialist and Marxist feminists of the 1970s and early 1980s to recognise SWP - German equates the feminism importance of the Women's Liberation Movement (WLM), with all its divisions, as a mass movement that socialists should and work with. Not that we should the USA) and who after the election reformist), but in debate with them to ment and universities, many of them try and orient the movement towards but for the demands of the movement the movements of the oppressed and those of the working class would be History lessons If a similar formation arose again today or in the near future, it will be impor- the mistakes of the past. In an article in International Socialism, Lindsey German, while making an interesting analysis of the changes that have occurred over the last twenty 2 Engels, (1978) years, does not address the The Origin of the mistakes made by the SWP in their work around the women's movement in the 1970s and 3 Lindsey German, First, she fails to analyse the rise and fall of the movement in the context of other strug- gles, solely blaming feminists DEBATE at work. After the oil crisis of 1976 and increasingly pushed onto the defensive. for childcare tinued until the great Miners' Strike of 1984-5, whose defeat marked the shift working class. Under these conditions, left, it was very unlikely that the WLM, in any guise, could have achieved more in working than a few minimal demands, and it declined rapidly. of the Second, rather than analyse the different - currents within the movement - includ- essentialist) feminist as well as the few election of Thatcher, but omits to Marxist women and members of revolu- tionary groups such as the IMG and the of the 1970s with only one strand, reformism, whose members did indeed increasingly adopt radical feminist build rhetoric (much of it imported from simply accept the parameters of the of Thatcher entered local councils, majority of its participants (mostly the Greater London Council, Parlia- dropping the demands of their more one of the powerful features of the the organisations of the working class. militant past. But this is true of much of Everyone recognised that these latter the left at this time. And in fact with the organisations were inherently sexist, rise of Bennism at the end of the 1970s many revolutionaries too entered the Labour Party to be part of that vibrant left wing. Surely it is more important to ask why the WLM declined, rather than just seek to blame it for declining. In fact the SWP had taken little interest in the internal debates and divisions of the WLM, as German admits in her tant to learn the lessons of the demise any arguments taking place within of the movement so as not to repeat the women's movement, so in practice it did not challenge the anti-socialist ideas which were coming forward." If they had engaged with these debates they might have made some difference, socialist feminist strengthening wing of the movement. Third, she excludes some important campaigns after 1979, which achievements. That same year the National Abortion Campaign organ- The fact that, and attended by many men as well as do not advocate a separatist ••• the WLM and the organisations of the the working class and its allies were choice MPs, managed to defeat the reactionary legislation. And throughout movement, mostly feminists influenced by the WLM, kept the issue of nuclear the Miners' Strike, many women from the Women the camp and adopted Greenham tactics of non-violent direct action and sit-ins, suggesting that they understood the importance of the self-organisation of the oppressed. German is right to point to the long discuss the importance of postmodern ideas which infected vast swathes of the left, not just feminists. Postmodern- ism attacked any idea of an overarching social theory to analyse society and its ills, and was especially damaging for feminism. It became increasingly inter- ested in theory for its own sake. It devel- oped careers for academics, both male and female, but did nothing for political activists and campaigns. It undermined early WLM - the ability to test theory against practice, developing both in the The conclusion in German's article that 'the women's movement has failed because its theory [of patriarchy] was and is incapable of addressing the very big problems now facing women', * is a sweeping generalisation which treats the WLM as though it were homogeneous, 1989 book Sex, Class and Socialism. downplaying the lively debates which She says that the SWP 'tended to ignore took place on the question of patriarchy and ignoring completely those social- ist and Marxist feminists who, as part of the movement, argued against it. It also suggests that if another movement arose, with all the inevitable contradic- tions inherent in such movements, the SWP would have a similarly sectarian and workerist attitude towards it. Autonomy versus separatism ised against the Corrie Bill, which was developments in the class struggle, the intended to restrict abortion rights. The oppressed also organise around their main demonstration, led by the TUC, oppressions is a huge gain. While we Page 28 Socialist_ Outlook spring, 2004 issue_003
getsbottom pinched. ..• approach, we do defend the right of the differently oppressed to autonomous organisation. a hard won right in the 1970s when many women found it difficult to get themselves heard amongst confident and often vociferous men. organising together were able to locate the issues that formed and reinforced their oppression to formulate the demands they wanted to raise. Only then was it possible to take them back to left parties, trade unions or revolutionary groups for both men and demand and how to fight for it. The usefulness of this approach can be seen through the example of the experience of black women. While they recognised and suffered from the sexism of black men, they also had to sexes. They needed to work out a way ended up excluding to do this successfully was to meet that racism was more important. But a WLM Issue_ 003 spring, 2004 Socialist Outlook Page 29 The beeutiful 127 Palio. autonomy is not separatism: the one implies alliances that the oppressed must fight for their demands on their own. Women Women and class The other question that left in relation to the WLM is that of class. Of course the alliance that needs to be built is between the mass movements of the oppressed and the women to discuss the merits of the working class: not always easy, but, as the Miners' Strike showed, one that is entirely possible. But this does not imply that the WLM should exclude all but working class women. The fact that many on the left such as the then Militant and the SWP characterised the WLM as 'middle class' deal with the racism suffered by both narrow and workerist error which, to deal with the complex interrelation jobs as teachers, clerical workers. of these different oppressions, to etc. This approach has little to do decide which one they wanted to raise, with Marxism. It also hid a deeper when and with whom. The only way error that saw only working class women as oppressed. This denies the autonomously, without the pressure of understanding of Engels who argued other white women arguing that sexism that all women are oppressed. We was the priority, or black men arguing would not, of course, have sought If this lady was a from petty bourgeois or bourgeois backgrounds; on the contrary, but to possible to win a demand, the other exclude them would have been wrong. They are also oppressed by a male- dominated capitalist society, even as they escape its exploitation. And it is their contradiction. not ours, that they might wish to be part of a campaign fighting for a woman's right to control her fertility, or against sexist laws on vexes the rape in marriage. Will socialism inevitably solve the questions of the liberation of the oppressed? No: and that is the key to why women. lesbians and gay men, black people. the organise in the here and now, to fight against the way them. For if we succeed in changing society and create a socialist society, there is unfortunately no guarantee was a that our oppressions will disappear. those with The history of the Russian revolution, even before of Stalin, tells us that we will have to continue to organise, for who but oppressed the can know what it is like? As Trotsky wrote, change the conditions of life, we must learn to see them through the women's eyes" M women car shed ruT you down FLAT disabled have to society oppresses the counter revolution themselves 5 Leon Trotsky, 'In order to (1973) Women and the Family, New York, Pathfinder Press, p. 8. DEBATE
Statement on Brazil by the International Socialist Group The Marxist left has played a key role in building the Brazilian Workers Party (PT) from its formation two decades ago. How the left responds with the PT now in government drifting into neo-liberalism, poses major questions of principle. Day to day tactics can only be determined on the spot, but at its latest international meeting the Fourth International launched a debate on the broader strategic issues facing our comrades. The following statement from the International Socialist Group was presented to the meeting as a fraternal start to the discussion. development of The Democracy (DS) in Brazil has been of huge importance for the Fourth the PT as a broad workers' party has International (FI). This is not only been rich in lessons for other sections because its size makes it one of the undertaking comparable projects largest sections of the International. in different Nor is it only because its implantation experiences of direct democracy and in the Workers' Party (PT), in the the participatory budgets have helped trade unions and social movements, to put the FI and our programme for in local governments, in congress and in the World Social Forum process, the movement against neo-liberal make it one of the most influential sections the International has ever had. It is also because for over two For all these reasons it is the duty DEBATE Socialist of the FI's strategic thinking and practice. Its conception of building Its circumstances. globalisation. decades DS has been at the fore-front of the entire International to do whatever it can to support, defend and preserve our Brazilian section in the difficult situation which it now faces. The International cannot and should not try to dictate from a distance the tactical choices that comrades make in a particular situation. Nevertheless we do have a responsibility to try to help clarify the issues, to bring collective experience to bear in this kind of complex situation when the stakes are very high, to express an opinion in a frank and comradely way. Indeed there are times when a more detached view - at one remove from the heat of the struggle - can add an important dimension to the debate. It is in this spirit that we express our concerns and fears to the comrades of the DS. In spite of the drift to neo-liberalism which the PT has undergone in recent times, which has been compounded by its open alliance with sections of the bourgeoisie, the election of Lula at the end of 2002 raised enormous expectations in the working masses, not only in Brazil, but throughout Latin America and beyond. This victory was, and is, a major challenge, and a major opportunity for the working class, the revolutionary left in Brazil, and for the left inside the PT in particular. It was and is, above all, a major challenge, and opportunity, for the FI and for our section, which has been Brazilian socialist democracy at the heart of building the PT and preparing for such a situation for many years. As the International Socialist Group, British section of the FI we want to express our support and ••• Page 30 Socialist Outlook spring, 2004 issue 003
solidarity to the comrades by the judiciary and by regional healing the divisions that currently PT leadership seeking to defend their other neo-liberal counter-reforms, time, and the most important factor coalition government with a neo- support of the DS leadership itself, The DS clearly has the opportunity, liberal agenda, implementing policies took the decision to vote in favour and ability, not only to strengthen its interests of the Brazilian of the pension reforms, even though own ranks but to form the vanguard bourgeoisie, and carrying out the simultaneously denouncing them. We of the revolutionary left in Brazil. the direct repressive intervention go a long way towards preventing or ahead. of the DS in this situation. We have expressed solidarity through our the campaign and petition against expulsion against comrade Heloisa Helena and other PT deputies, which had some impact on the disciplinary process (although it did not stop it) and which attracted a reply from the position. However, it to us that seems the direction taken by the requirementsofmulti-nationalcapital. There are certainly contradictions, of a secondary character, reflecting both the working-class and popular base of the PT, as well as differences differentsections of the Brazilian ruling class and between these and imperialism. But there is no longer, if there ever was, any fundamental duality in the character that this has caused us great concern. of the government. Our fear is that the continuance of DS comrades in this government will do damage to the organisation and its relations with the mos: combative and important layers of the Brazilian working class and peasantry. Our fear is that at a critical pox.: comrades in the DS will be held rescorsible. at least in part, for the policies of the government - direction taken by the PT and its particularly even the difficulties, difficulties including legs. and I! issue_003 spring, 2004 Socialist_Outlook Page 31 state governments, which confront threaten DS. agrarian reform in particular. PT comrades of DS have rightly But a defeat or a set-back for the in Lula of parliament. However, most DS government is now clear. It is a members of parliament, with the has rightly fought for over the years. However, no collective responsibility can be accepted for the neo-liberal programme of the Lula government. With the sincerity and frankness that we think must govern the relations organisational arrangements. The between revolutionaries, we must say We fail to see how this can be understood in the mass movement. We believe a positive exit strategy from the government is now needed, one that can be seen by the mass movement, not as a defeat, but as a principled stand that puts DS at the very centre of the dispute over the government. We also believe that International Viewpoint tebruary 2004 from the Fourth International The summer issue includes the documents of 15th World Congress 10 issues by airmail only £30 (UK). First time subscribers £22.50 - 25% discount. For all non-UK subscription rates contact: [email protected] Cheques made payable to International Veiwpoint PO Box 112, Manchester M12 5DW, UK We do not ignore the immense We must express our concern with responsibilities that rest on the DS what, from here, looks like a very comrades in this or the complexities dangerous contradiction. Inside the with which they have had to grapple opposed the pension reform and revolutionary forces in Brazil at this and you have participated in the in this is the DS itself, would not just mass demonstration be a defeat for the left but a set-back front for all the workers and peasants in Brazil. understand the tradition of collective In turn this can strengthen the responsibility in the PT, which the DS left internationally and the FI in particular. Obviously this will not be easy. The choices are difficult. No doubt there will be deep differences. We recognise that these differences unconventional may require ability of DS, and the Fl, to cope with this situation will also be a test of our collective maturity. We believe the decision by the recent DS leadership meeting, not to take any action against those DS comrades taking part in the movement for a new party, is a positive first step in this direction. revolutionary Please accept our greetings and rest assured that we will do all that we can to bring help such an exit from the government may and solidarity in the tasks that lie Monthly review of news and analysis DEBATE
İNTERNATİØNAL SOCIALIST GROUP 23WO M UO goto: www.isg-fi.org.uk/outlook