basics of life were provided cheap- ly did not make the burcaucratic regime after Khruschev pro- worker" - far from it. These con- cessions made to the working class on the cconomic front were a recognition of the enormous so- cial weight of the Soviet working class, and were part of a strategy designed to sccur the continued rule of the bureaucracy, by trying to avoid major outbursts of work- ing class discontent. Nonetheless. the living standards of the Soviet workers remained far behind Gorbachev and the ruling wing of the political elite have now decided tomake a break with the system as it evolved under Khruschey and Brezhnev. al- though they are divided on the speed and extent of the reforms. • To attempt a re-engagement of the Soviet economy with the world capitalist ceonomy, in an attempt to develop trade, and to obtain advanced technology and cconomic assistance, on much better terms: This involves trying to obtain a new world-wide political arrangement with the capitalist west, a drastic shill in Perestroika - cconomic restructuring. This envisages the utilisation of market relations much more widely: the ending of job security and cheap basic goods for the working class; an at- tempt to assess the efficiency of enterprisies through profit and loss accounting: the establishment of a private sector of small ministrative bureaucracy. although not of the political bureaucracy, Overall these proposals are aimed at shaking up and medium-sized businesses; the removal of asoction of the ad- Page 21 Their basic proposals are: those in the west. sion and provision of cheap basic necessities. foreign policy. bureaucracy, personified by Mikhail Gorbachev is one The stakes involved in the process which has been unleashed for the Russian workers, for the Soviet bureaucracy and for world politics, It follows that the left has a evolved under Stalin and Khruschev has guaranteed quantitative growth in heavy industry and the production of raw materials cin which the Sovict Union is especially rich) it has been unable to produce the innovative dynamism to maintain high growth rates evitably produces economic inefficiency and inertia, and in- The emergence of a reforming wing of the Soviet of the major events in world history since World War responsibility to try to come to grips with what is going on, study system gives rise to have become crippling. While the system and regularlyto upgrade the quality of production, Trotsky in The Revolution Betrayed pointed out that bureaucratic rule in- The Soviet crisis has been intensified by two factors. First. the United States has set out to deliberately financially crippple the Soviets through the arms race. The Soviet Union has devoted a much higher percentage of its GDP to defence than does the events and eschow simplistic and partial explanations. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 9 October 1988 ing condemnation, we also have to It is universally recognised that the system of bureaucratic central evitably poor quality of production. While net engaging in unreason- the Gorhachey project - perestrika is a response to the growing crisis of Soviet society: more precisely to the economic. political and cultural stagnation which has heen more and more oh- vious throughout the late 1970s and early 1980s. What is the basic cause The cconomic crisis is a crisis of planning, compounded by a nitude. Economic growth rates have been declining, and the waste and inefficiency which this lumbering budgetary crisis of the first mag- is sweeping sections of the left. avoid cheap 'Gorbymama" of this crisis? and glasnost
----- pull-quotes on this page ----- GAMBLE What attitude should marxists take to the radical changes taking place in the Soviet Union? PHIL HEARSE offers some answers.
decades of thorists are talking about a marketisation of plan: that is to say, within the framework of a state-owned, planned. economy even if it has a It is ludicrous to suggest, as do some extreme stalinists, that Gor- bachev is taking the "capitalist road'. It is true, however, that perestroika will deepen existing inequalities between workers - political liberalisation - should not simply be rejected by socialists as a 'fraud". It is true that a real democratisation, which gives sovereign power to the popular masses, is not what Gorbachev has in mind. Nonetheless politi- cal liberalisation and more official tolerance. however cir- cumscribed, will give the masses the opportunity to overcome Gorbachev's proposals are far from that. They are a reform of bureaucratic planning. which introduces some measures to workers have to accept austerity. There is a good deal of con- hypocrisy in the Gorbachevites crusade against the "bureaucrats'. Lower rank administrators may have to change jobs and he downgraded: but the bureaucratic political elite will be untouched. The people who suffer the real sacrifices will be the working However much wereject perestroika as a real solution to the problems of bureaucratic plan- ning, we should also note however it is not in any way whatsoever a restoration of capitalism, or going in the direction of restoring capitalism. Even the most extreme Gorbachevite economc economic relations within the framework of the smallish and subordinate private sector within it. to those of the international working class, it may in some instan outposts and interests worldwide without very considerable con- As far as the cconomic reform is concorned, revolutionary socialists should note two things, First, of course Gorbachevis advisors do identify real and urgent problems - the crisis of bureaucratically centralised planning. But their solutions are not pro-working class, socialist solutions. The socialist answer is the democratisation of the planning process. the unleashing of the creative power of the masses, popular sovereignty over basic end its over-centralisation, but above all introduces short and medium-term austerity for the working class. The implicit deal is that then economic rationalisation will create better cconomic conditions for the workers at some point in the future. Right now cos collide with those of imperialism. For example, it is tar from certain that the Soviet Union is prepared to give up all its military cessions. Whereas they are quite capable of selling out the strug gle in Angola or Nicaragua, there is no guarantee that they will ceonomic decisions - if you like, a national regime of workers the long-lerm de-politicisation created by long and bureaucrats and among workers themselves. the direct opposite internationalism... in some ways it is co-existence is "World-wide certainly not peaceful socialist nocrats on the front of democratic reforms. Gorbachev hopes to consolidate a social bloc which identifies his whole project with democratisation and supports it for that reason - despite the economic sacrifices which the working class is called upon to make. In addition, Gorbachev's advisors have correctly iden- tified the crucial linkage between economic efficiency, tech- nological dynamism and the free flow of information. It is im- possible to have much scientific and technical dynamism in a country where most scientists are prohibited access to What, then should be the attitude of revolutionary socialists particular combination of policies in the way they have. In our fronts, is world-wide compromise - a new modus vivendi with imperialism. From the viewpoint of the bureaucracy this is quite logical: the only alternative would he to link themselves to broad economic lethargy and the worst excesses of administrative in- • Glasnost - the introduction of a limited political liberalisation, inside the party and outside, allowing more communication in society at large, and a degroe - although strictly limited - of public politival debate and argument. This also includes elections for some posts inside the party and state apparatus, and a limited Where Gorbachev's project has not created just mindiess en- thusiasm on the left, it has often gencrated perplexity. Is not Gorhachev's economic policy basically about the virtues of the marker? And is not his foreign policy about more compromises with the imperialists? But then again, aren't his democratic why Gorbachev and the team around him have introduced this First, Gorbachev's international policy, aimed at creating a new regime of international peaceful co-existence is premised on the idea that the only way to reverse the relationship of for- ces with imperialism on the political, military and economic Before answering these questions, we should ponder exactly reforms essentially progressive? How does all this fit together? view the explanation is essentially the following. without simultaneously making concessions to basis of anti-capitalist struggle. But after decades of stalinism there is not the basis of support and enthusiasm for the Soviet Union in the western - which itself rests on containing the power of the Soviet working class - prepared to tie its fate to that of class struggle internationally. for ob- Second, the introduction of perestroika and glasnost in one move, linking one to the other. 15 very significant, In other East European countries economic reforms have been tried the working class, the intelligentsia and the tech- currents in the international working class on the working class: neither is the Soviet bureaucracy term of office for some state officials. photocopiers for security reasons. vious reasons.
Socialists always give critical support to democratic reforms which allow the working class, the popular masses and the politi- cal left more space to formulate and articulate their demands. The obvious parallel is political liberalisation underauthoritarian capitalist regimes, which is never simply rejected by socialists. We support more democratic rights - but with one proviso: we Gorbachev's proposals for perestroika and glasnost have opened up the most important political ferment in the Soviet • The reawakening of the struggle of oppressed nationalities. especially that of the Armenian minority in Azerbaijan and in the SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 9 October 1988 think the democratisation process should go all the way. Union since 1956. This has taken several forms: First, we should not go along with the basic thrust of Soviet new Soviet foreign policy which lead to outcomes we can sup- Yet world-wide peaceful co-existence is certainly not socialist interationalism, championing of the oppressed or the international working class. In some ways it is the direct opposite - an even more narrow following of the state interests of the However, precisely hecause the new policy is hased on a rigorous definition of Soviet bureaucratic interests, as opposed foreign policy, even if it does put the cold war factions of the US government on the defensive, and show them much more ob- viously as the aggressors. It may be that there are aspects of the port - the INF deal for example, and perhaps other arms roduc- to the Gorbachev reforms, to perestroika and glasnost? Soviet bureaucacy: Page 22
The socialist clubs themselves are a quite remarkable politi- under red flags - and portraits of Mikhail Gorbachev! It On the other hand. Boris Yeltsin, who advocated an attack on bureaucratic privilege as such - for which he was sacked - represents a retorm current within the he bureaucracy which seems radical compared with Gorbachev - and certainly com- pared with Ligachev. The Yeltsin people seem to have links with cal development The political orientation of key figures like Boris Kagarlitsky can be seen from the demonstration they held in Pushkin Square on the eve of the 19th Congress. Called by the Organising Committee for a Popular Front' (!) the rally was held - but democratically clected, real Soviets. And it demanded that perestroika be demanded "All power to the Soviets" some in the socialist clubs. P T H m • The beginning of a political polarisation inside the working • A struggle inside the party and the hureaucracy over the tempo and extent of the reforms - including the Politburo and the federation of socialist clubs which held it first conference last There is no douht that a substantial section of the working class sees the perestroika reforms as a threat to their interests, there are sections of industrial workers who are enthused by the members, supported Boris Yeltsin when he was sacked as Mos- • The emergence of independent political clubs, including a and they are right about thar. On the other hand, it scems that Gorbachev project. For example, many workers, including party cow party chief for attacking bureaucratic privileges. class over the question of the conomic reforms. November with 600 poople attending. Secretariat.
ards. But Gorbachev has a more immediate problem with that ( this lan- But lower down the apparatus, there are thousands whole left servalives if he is to push his reforms through. Thered into another * and an end to develop into a struggle for real democracy. Gomers have been on working class. He won a cheap victory at the 19th confe assas- because the Ligachey people rolled with the punches - will be of party members who want to do the same. Gorbacolidarity are really to mobilise the workers in an active fight to defill sce Peru in s' struggles con- ching on Lima Page 25 These contradictory positions reveal much about the present bureaucracy and the working class. It won Ttake a August 1988, viewpoint of the clubs. They are for socialist democracy and renewal, and are utilising the opportunitics provided by glas- nost to advance their demands. They see the Ligacher people as their biggest enemies in the probably righr about that. It is among people like those in the socialist clubs that the nucleus of a real democratic socialist Will the Gorbachev project succeed? Partly this depends on what happens internationally the imperialists doing a good" come up with the technology. trouble. Bur in any case, Gor- bachev has placed an awlul lot short-term, and they are Gorbachev has placed a lot on on his own rhetoric being true - Fconomic reforms, involving been tried in other Eastern European countries. without notable success. Gorbachey is going for simultaneous restructuring and. Those workers who support Gorbachev will be very disap- pointed if they make conomic sacrifices and relatively linle deal and heing prepared to trade and bank loans. If they don't he will be in some and it almost certainly isn't limited marketisation, have comes their way in terms of democracy and higher living stand large economic growth, and it is doubtful if he will get both. apposition can be built. burcaucrats who want to disrupt reform, and there are To call on the workers to impose perestroika against conservative bureaucrats could lead to a ing a tightrope between the conservative se. of working class ferment which would outflank fall off. socialists to national demands should be support for the right of Alter the 19th conterence, a demonstration of more than However the basic programmatic position of revolutionary many burcaucrats at lower level, who risk losing their jobs and privileges, probably do not. But Gorbuchev's number two, happy about too much democracy and too much economic reform. While not exactly Brezhnevite", Ligachev cerlainly rep- up new national demands and movements: in certain instances - for cxample the Ukraine — national demands could he an impor- but not necessarily for national sparation. Separation should be a right if the majority want it, hut is not necessarily a policy which socialists advocate. In general our position should be for national rights within a The disputes inside the burcaucratic clite are difficult to read precisely because we have so little to go on in terms of hard facts. The statements of the protagnonists are often coded and am- biguous. Nontheless, it is clear that a hig majority of the burcaucratic political elite staunchly supports refonn - although Ligachev, who chairs the meetings of the Politburo, is clearly un- resents a faction which could challenge Gorbachev if he was seen GLASNOST socialist federation - a real union of Soviet republics! SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 9 October 1988 tant axis of political revolution. 100,000 people was held in Kaliningrad to support glas- nost and perestroika. This was members participated. So did supporters of the socialist clubs It would perhaps be correct to say that there is a battle going on for the hearts and minds of the working class, with the Gorbachvites appeal- ing to the possibility of long- better life', while conserva- justified sense of The national question 1s an explosive issue in the Soviet Union hecause stalinism trod not simply an official demonstration, although party and thousands of ordinary term democratisation and y tive opponents appeal to the their real, short term, matcrial nationalities and national tion is almost certain to throw i many right. Any political libcralisa- national self-determination. 50 foot to be failing. workers interests. workers, under
rades-in-arms. all plotting to destroy the which had were simply Trotsky's willing tools For Leon REHAB Trotsky Case nost and perestroika in the Soviet some of the murkiest corners of Soviet garbage purveyed by the Trotskyists, IN SPITE of the slow progress of glas- Union, much light has been shed on history. The monstrous crimes of Stalin are no longer counter-revolutionary The but on the contrary verifiable facts.
cnemy was the communist Teon Trotsky Un- principles indispensable for the emancipation Charlie van Geldren SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 9 October 1988 But as Ernest Mandel has pointed out, it was sary, the one he considered lus number one criminal charges, and first of all Leon Trotsky. straighiening out the present situation of the bureaucrats' with fresh clemeils: and most im- whips. I was imperative for the New Course to stalinism. And this is the original sin for which the ruling bureaucracy in the Soviet Union will Trotsky, Sedov andthe Len Opposition who hy their Fight against Stalinism "saved the honour Thanks to them, no one can say that com- munism Icads incitably to Stalimist, because Stalin's fiercest and most irreconcilable adver- That is why we must continue the tight to clear all the victims of the Moscow Trials of the As Mandel puts it: this fight is not essentially about the past, truth. bonour and justice.. the fight is over the crucial principles for USSR and the world workers movement, the preserved as a revolutionary factor by a machiner to replace tbe mummified continued teassail not only Stalin but the whole he saved from burcaueratio degeneration and vigorous democracy within the party. It was time to free the party from the tyranny of the portant of all to romove from their posts those who. at the first word of criticism, wielded their From that date on, until his death, Trossky burchucratic machine which nurtured begin "by making ckeryone lech that from now of communisa. assuret its cominuty. on nobody will terrorise the parly ternational Viewpoir no 143). Find it hard to forgive him. ot the workers" qualitatively higher plane than that of most of In 1923 he wrote a scrics of articles in Prat- on their own understanding and courage. The young should cease to regard the wuthority of thoroughly by Gorbachev, Stalin's most con- sistent opponent, Leon Trotsky, remains a political pariah in the eyes of the Soviet Trotsky's opposition to Stalin was on a Ibe accused who from lome to tume opposed aspects of Stalin's policies, Trotsky attacked growing bureaucratisation of the party and statc da, later published as The New Course. In these he called on the rank and file of the party to rely the Old Guard as absolute: the party could only has Trotsky not been rehahilitated? Why is it that despite the de-Stalinisation campaign which was begun tentatively by Khruschev and is now being carried through much more revolutionary factor by a vigorous democracy "the party could only within the party." degeneration and the very hasis of Statin's domination preserved as a be saved from bureaucratic hureaucracy? machine. Yer work 1926 Trotsky had told him that international Wein the dock, Trotsky was the these Bolsheviks were not guilty of the heinous But one name is still, officially, heyond the pale — Leon Trotsky, founder of the Red Army. From a logical point of view, of course. this just does not make sense. The connecting link in the All the accused claimed in their abject forced confessions lo he carrying out their treachery in Pyrtakov told the court of his secret Might to Plately disproved by the Norwegian paper to the post, which reported that no civil airliner nded at Osto airpon in he month ot Firs er 1935. In fact, no aircraft ar alf used foreign fit hetween September 1935 and May viously as confessed" to having received new Sovieters from Trotsky, all of them port - the INhich had outlined his plans and directives, Rakovsky confessed - an even morfeat trials, the spider who spun Soviet bureauseh of plots and intrigues, the One after another the murdered victims of Slin's show trials in the 1930s are boing rchablitiated - Bukharin, Zinoviev, Kamenev. Rakovsky. Pyatakov and others whose names hecame world famous as leaders of the Octoher revolution. It is now officially recognised that crimes for which they were convicted and ex- first Soviet Foreign Commissar and the prin- cipal opponent of Stalin until murdered in 1940. Hesocitom with and under direct orders from Leon Trotsky and his son. Leon Sedov. Osle to meet Trotsky a claim which was im- However, ik leaders on trial, Lenin's com three major Moscow trials was Loon Trotsky. for the British intelligence ser ecuted on Stalin's orders. socialist inter rigorous defin Page 22
FEATURE FEA Peru FRON
Garcia's speech went on to look at the Peruvian Institute of Social Security (IPSS) - a state body financed by the contributions of working people, which is supposed to provide finance for medical treatment and retirement. tem, but the progressive privatisation of this puhlicly-owned industries and services that have been bankrupted by APRA corruption similar to that in the IPS.S. The bosses certain- A few weeks ago, the second most important Teadrofthe Sendero Luminoso. Osman Morote. was captured, He has to face five separate char- nocent. He is