pull-quotes on this page ----- Will the TUC break with The TUC could be on the eve of'a historic split. Barring a last-minute and desperate attempt at a fudge, there is now a real possibility that Eric Hammond's EETPU could be suspended, or even eventually expelled, UNIONS Hammond? from the ranks of the TUC, ALAN THORNETT writes.
AFU — represents a development in Britain hall-mark of business-unionist is not just of Us-style business unionism', which is to the right even of the new realism'. The This is because the EETPUT — along with the Heath government's industrial rela- lions act. But if the EETPU are expelled it the Union of Democratic Mineworkers (UDM) and to a lesser extent the rightwing, collaborationist policies, but a qualitatively different relationship to the cmployers, which shows itscif most clearly in being willing to join openly and directly with employers to destroy other trade 1970s, for cxample, for registering under would represent a more decisive break than in the past. general Council to roccive a formal censure which instructed them not to organise or and hard to avoid any disciplinary action against them. In the end, he only decided to support a 'strong censure' of the union Willis had the same attitude over the for breaching a previous TUC directive recruit membership at Ruport Murdoch's It is of course a scandal that the LETPU was not expelled for its seab-herding role in the Wapping dispute, but TUC general secretary Norman Willis has fought long to head off calls from the print unions for single union deal signed by the AEU in respect of the proposed Ford plant in News International plantat Wapping, UNIONS its expuision: emplovers want —and itis casy tosee what the trade union movement. Bur he said •We have got to make sure they are res- pectable and that they are sigued by unions who will represent members pro- It is very difficult to have good agrce- This is because in order to convince employers that it is in their interest to sign an agreement with a particular union, the union has to offer something the Single union deals are csscntially a collapse into class collaboration. However, while they show the union Icaders desperately secking collaboration ments under such conditions, however.
A split in the TUG is now a very real in Britain, and as such will bring new stakc. Unity is important, but not at any possibility, and it is a necessary develop- ment if the trade union movement is to be defended. It is true that a split would be the end of a unitary trade union federation problems. But there are higher issues at price - and the cost of unity with the Hammond leadership would be that the TUC remain hamstrung, dritting righ- twards towards the policies of the KETPU, while Hammond plots with ever-more employers to destroy genuine trade union- This is shown clearly by Hammond's ist. This is what compromise' issue really means: the ARL, accepted the principle of the agreement (which involved jeopardising every existing union agreement with Ford The Orion and Salveson deals, the introduction of new deals into existing workplaces, who were overridden by the naturally protested strongly to the TUC, Dundee. Willis defended Bill Jordan and however, are a bit more difficult for Willis to ignore. Like Wapping, they involved workplaces where other trade unions al- ready exist. In cach case these deals were signed over the heads of other trade. unions already organising in the new agreements. Thosc unions have and it is this pressure whuch Willis has in Britain), and even few to Detroit to try to get Ford management to acceptit. strike deals — onesigned with the Japanese cast the AEU has a single union agreement covering the plant, but only a minority of and thanks to the deal, the rest remain from the employer, they offer no guarantee that the employer will offer any real coo- peration in return. The deals do not even necessarily result in the workforce joining the chosen union: In Nissan in the north On Tuesday IO May the KETPU refused to accept a TUC directive requiring them to withdraw from two single union no- electronics firm Orion near Port Talbot, and the other with the haulage firm Chri- They also decided to ballot their 330,000 stian Salvesen, based in Warrington. the workforce has ever joined the union unorganised.
agreement to work actions even while these things have been under discussion at the TUC. The EETPI alongside a consortium of construction has concluded union from the TUC, tie positen Shop stewards from other unions of socialists — and all principled EETPE would become untenable. goes against us and moves arr EETPU: the left and the ballot set in traan for the split of our IE, us we expert, the ballor trade unionists — within the have already said that ther Suspension or even expulsion of unions From the TUC is not a new thing in Britain. Many unions were suspended in the carly been forced to take into account. is not ruled out that he will use a! College of Nursing, However, it federation, involving the scab successful ballot result to put capitulate, rather than break Mineworkers and the Royal pressure on the TUC to Union of Democratic away immediately. members, calling on them to endorse this At the same meeting the EETPU decided to refuse to appear in front of the TUC Tr ERic HaMMoND, rightwing FDC, he wants our of the TUC business umionism within the Plumbing Union (EETPO), cannot get open season for Electrical, Electronic and Telecommunication and general socretary of the altogether.
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 8 July/Sepramber 1988 endorsement of his single union, no-strike deals Eric Hammond: seeks membership ballot through the EETPU SOCIALIST OUTLOOK AN EETPU SHOP STEWARD so bie fought for across the board union. This procedure will have imminent threat of privatisation meetings and argue strongly for and other attacks on wages and agreed that they will call depor London Electricity Board have EETPU members into a TUC HETPU are to face up to thie Arrive stewards from Le an organised transfer of all I workers currently in the would refuse to work with non-TUC stewards. conditions @ specially given their willingness to take on board the principle of of'toing and froing in the run up cxecutive, delening baric trade single-union deals, One thing is dear, there will be an awful lot Socialists in the BETPU have TUC Ieaders will Indeed reach organisational integrity of the It is certainly possible that campaigned hard against the agreement with Hammond. union principles and the to the TUC congress in labuur movement. September. endorsement, through the ballot, sweetheart deals. It is more than How should the left within Lie Hammond is openly loating results of the ballot of EETPU majority behind him and the At the time of writing, the sangie-umon, no-strike and allibation are not known. likely that there will be a members on future TUC the idea of a rival union of his whole strategy of Hammond is secking union respond?
Michael Meacher has declared himself fessional' strikebreakers of the Royal Col However Hammond may try to put on a ment, he knows that this type of coalition This isolation should be compounded by the disaffiliation of the union from the Labour Party as well. It is an outrage that something which needs to be fought out at is scarcely Ikely to attract substantial support or enthusiasm from even right opposed to kicking out the EETPU. This is the EETPU can the worst effects of a split in brave face to dress up such an arrange Only by taking the hardest line against this year's Labour Party conference. lege of Nursing- conditions to break off whole sections of Even now, left wingers inside the EETPU are beginning to mobilise, in the first instance to deal a blow against Hammond by building the biggest possible vote against any move to leave the TUC. If (as seems certain) this fails to halt the split, the fight will be on to prepare the best isolated once outside the TUC. If, as seems likely, the AEU stays in the TUC,— since the AEU membership is too vulnerable to poaching from unions like the Transport and General Workers' Union (TOWD) for Jordan and Laird to risk Icaving — Ham- The EETPU would also be seriously the union to join appropriate UNEONS atfiliated unions. companics to train workers for the London docklands development project. The possibility, chercfore, looms that the FET- PU: will be moving beyond plumbing into other building trades such as bricklaying Even Union of Communication Workers (UCW) leader and hard-line right winger Alan Tuffin, speaking at their the calls for the EETPU to be expelled from Hammond knows that leaving the TUC is a very difficult option. Once outside the TUC he will lose the protection of the Bridlington agreement (which outlaws the conterence in Junc, has added his voice to poaching of members between affiliated and plastering!
the TUC be combatted. Thuse who look for compromise with business unionism must HELP US TOS FERRIES" MAKE THE - SAFER •O STRIKE be rigorously opposed • N.U9 THE 1988 •NEEL HELF YOU FEEL GAFER O HELP ELP US LEASE mond could be left to seek a new alliance with a ragbag of ill-assorted scab organis- ations like the UDM and even the pro- NATIONAL UNION OF SEA TOGETHER P&O strikers stand firm PULL unions) and the EETPU would be imme- diately vulnerable to recruiting cam- thousand P&O strikers have been left to light done. They are determined to continuc the SINCE SEAFARERS leader Sam McCluskie ordered Scalink hack to work in May, one hundreds, Socialist Outloot spoke to P&O struggle, and mass pickets still attract What is the latest rituation ith the strike? striker JASON GROOMBRIDGE. paigns by other unions.
(320 (of official money) in total — including week - so we need abour E4000 a week. We C120 last week from the TUC Fund. The rest came from the NUS which said we couldn't Here in Deal we are feeding 300 facilits a What are the main things you need in solidarity? We need financial and moral support. We groups. Since the strike started we've had There are six different support groups. need money sent directly otherwise the get more because of the sequestration. support group will run out of funds. Thousands demonstrate in support of the P&O strikers, May 1988 The people left on strike realise that the ships turning out on Saturdays to the picket. We're strike was won. Before 1 go back to work l'd sailing are unsafe and that people going un 10.00 every morning and we are asking for refusing to go back. We are standing firm. There's a mass picket between 7.00 and other unions to show their solidarity by Welve still got abour 1000 sacked and How strong are the mass pickets nute? board are risking their lives. car grass. We are waiting for die next move by P&O who The judge calls this intimidarion and says it is people on the line and the rest demonstrating. MeCluskie should be putting his job as Icader had Arthur Scargill's head on he would be all Labour Party. He should be leading us. If he are going through the courts to get the picket How do you see the role of the leadership since they temoved and until it is removed he will not We've come to a brick wall at the moment. against the law. He wants the picker line line at Dover removed. We have got six of the NUS before being treasurer of the We won't lift the picket for anything because we know we are in the right send Sealink hack to work? lift the sequestration. John Horris/iFL
tremendous if peuple could come down on the Thanet Suppurt Group, 147 High Street, Ramigate, would like political support too. It would be Canterbury, Kent. Tel: 0227-66768. Deal Support Group, 61 Castle Drise, Whitfield, Dover, Kent. Dover Support Grup, 210 London Road, Dover, • Rush Jinuncial suppert to. Aylesham Support Canterbury Support Group, 75 Tenderden Drier, Group, Magnen Houre, Mill Hill, Deal, Kent. Folkestone Support Group, 7 Tennyson Place, Cheques payable to the groups named abore. Saturday pickets and join us • Folkestone, Kent. Tel: 0309-5/997. Kent. Tel: 0304-214113. Kew. Tel: 0843-587990, Tel: 0263-840202. Tel: 0304.367840, Hose do yos see the right to picket after the judgement We feel that if it's true and we are not allowed right, If the judgr was righr, the police would We have built up the kitchens and there is like to see the funds still going to the support Before the Labour Party and the TUC set up person in Britain. That's why we feel we are people say they're sending funds to the TUC. was coming in fine. Now everywhere we go a community around them now, We would the fund administered by the TUC, support getting about 400 to the moring pickets. to demonstrate then this applies to every have moved in on us by now and they and the referal to liz the sequestration?: How is the support coming in? So things are getting hard. secondary action — about three-quarters of the call for a national strike which he should have keeps trying to act within the law hut the law delegates voted for a return to work. A leader the lunds being sequestrated — we know the continue the secondary action but he didn't rebelling and that rather than see the union The rank and file are not bothered about I don't think it was the rank and file but The funds could be built up again once the union is its membership, not just its funds. split he would see people go back to work. the delegates who argued for stopping the I think McCluskie would have liked to instead of going along with it. MeCluskie done. He said the rest of the country was of a union should have put his foot down SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 8 July/September 1998 is against him.
Step up the figh! in the unions! policy statement or bureaucratic Every passing day brings a new which proves how necessary it i measure from Neil Kinnock
SOCIALST OUTLOOK no B Kinnock-Hattersley sicket and it decision. In a sense, thei, we have Benn and Kinnock's initial willingnese to abandon party and trade umon acinosis: this is The solation of the Peo strikers in in their support by the National Limon of 8 The longer a challenge was put off, the LONG GONE are the days when thew tea- lisa could be said to be creepine. Only But the Benn-Heller leadership cam- pugn shows that it can be challenged from the lefi. There can be no doubt that it is the leadership contest which hasser te contest for the recent setbacks sullered he party leader Neil Kinnock and his fellow: Kinnock's dramatic doble T-turn on disarmament (from unilateralism to uni- multeralism and back again in the space oftwo weeks) is a case in point. The failure: of the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWE) executive to nominate the instead, to_nomunate nobods for the time on the Kimmock camp Such a decision would have been most unlikely had it not been for thir fier that the party leadership is Heffer to thank for the fuet that moves to abandon unilateral nuclear disarmament hase ber temporarily beid in check Bur this policy should serve as a warning to their support behind the Benu-Heller Dover after the short-lived national strike worker that the dillerences between the left and union leaders like Sam MeChuskie who support Kinnock are not the niceties of abstract debate but vital issus in the delence of pay. jobs. Safety and trade those who don 1 wish 10 Gice facts can now beg. musquestionably had a major impact what they can expect if thes do not thro Seameni (NES) is a remnder to every Benn and Heller mtervened just in time for Tony Benn and Eric Heffer leadership. PETE FIRMIN to challenge for the Labour being challenged this year. den that it is rampant. union righis. campaign. argues.
LABOUR PARTY freer had been Kinnock's hand to do as he pleased with party policy. Benn is right to warn that the new policy papers emerging chance of winning against Kinnock: but from the various working groups represent Maybe Benn and Heller stand no an enthusiastic campaign in their support, taking up all the policy issues and reach- ing out to those in struggle can begin to forge links and organise a serious chal- lenge to all the Kinnockites who are ditch- a further scrious shift to the right. Wayne Edgington
ing socialist policies in their grovelling to Local Benn-Heffer campaigns have been set up in many areas, and Tony Benn has already addressed extremely large ral- Edinburgh. Yet organisational and politi- cal problems are limiting the impact of the Liverpool and lies in places including the press barons.
Wayne Edgingk be taken cot into the union memberships, tivity such as the seafarers, abortion rights iween the fight for abortion rights and the the need to build a new leadership in the lenge to Kinnock's real power-basc: the and those sections newly brought into ac- issue of women's representation in the La- bour Party; between opposition to im- migration controls and the fight for black sections; and between all these issues and Above all this requires a frontal chal- union bureaucracy. This means a fight to put forward class struggle policies around showing how the union leaders have consi- those left wing oppositional forces in the against the sell-outs and burcaucratic attachment to some middle layers of the Links must be made — for instance be- which the employers can be resisted, and stently retrated in the face of their attack. A real leadership challenge in the Labour Party has to align itself unashamedly with unions fighting for such policies and Tristead, a reluctance to go as far as is necessary in challenging the union bureaucracy — and indeed a conservative manoeuvres of the present leaderships. activists and those fighting labour movement. government. That cies that had brought disaster to the mood even influenced sections of the union burcaucracy, who supported Benn- Large rallies could be called at the drop of a leafler and there was little need to urge Now after eight years of defeats at the hands of Thatcher and retreats by the union bureaucracy, and five years of Kin- All this means thar the campaign has to: nock building on these defcats to push back the left wing policy gains of 1981, the No union executive can be expected to TGWD will not push matters this far for fear of losing the support of the middle declare its support for Benn and Heffer new left executive of the ground'), and many activists have become "unimulteralism" and back 'Kinnock moved from unilateralism to Eric Heffer at Chesterfield again' mood is very different. activists to campaign. Wilson-Callagitan demoralised: ten with no connection to them. Some of Despite the existence of democratic, non-exclusive local campaigns, regional initially opposed any challenge for the lea- organisers have simply been imposed, of- them, such as Socialist Action supporters, Nor is there any sign that the campaign has prioritised the crucial fight to win support and strengthen the left at rank and file level in the fight against new rcalism' in the trade unions. The National Union of Public Employees (NUPF), for example, is balloting its membership on the Icadership issuc: but no Benn-Heffer coordinator has yet been appointed to The Benn-Heffer fringe meeting at NUPE conference was poorly organised and held at a lunch-time, meaning that it attracted only 120 from a conference of over 1,200 in a union holding one of the largest block vores. The National Union of unions deciding its position on the leader- These episodes are symptomatic of Kailwaymen (NUR) is one of the few ship at conference: yet Benn and Heffer pulled out of a planned fringe meeting ar some of the political problems of the cam- paign, They stem from an underestima- Lion of the crisis of leadership in the labour When Tony Benn ran for deputy leader against Denis Healey in 1981, there was a strong mood throughout the movement against any return to the right wing poli- make sure the left's argument is heard. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no B July/September 198B that conference in Swansca! campaign.
SOCIALIST CONFER rent alternative to Labour's policy review. and a sense that there is something to fight and Tune was reflocted in the structure of base up. The amount of time devoted to isation forward at grassroots level and gave steering committee representation to the established regional conferences — a welcome democratisation of the conteren- considerably since the first conference last October — the struggles in the NHS, Fords: and at Dover, the victory for the left in the the mass mobilisations against clausc 28 and the Alton Bill and the leadership challenge inside the Labour Party: all contributed to a mood of revitalisation The progress made between October the recall conference. The tirst attempt was very much a rallying call to the left with the great and good speaking to the This time the emphasis was on partici- pation and development of policy from the policy workshops showed a serious com- mitment to develop a detailed and cobe- The regional workshops moved the organ- THE POLITICAL landscape had changed Transport and General Workers Union, Two thousand people gathered in Chesterfield in June for the second Socialist Conference, MANDY MUDD reports. can begin to create such organisation for Campaign group deserting (several of needs to be built as widely as possible, but the left also needs to look to the longer ognise that a challenge will only be successful when it is across the board, taking on the policies not only of Kinnock but also of those who wield the block vote To do this a united democratic left nceds to be built, campaigning around the policies and actions which can deleat Thatcher and throw aside those in the ranks of the labour movement who hold back that fight. The linking of the icader- ship challenge to the Chesterfield current' The conflict over how far to go in oppos- the decision to mount a challenge for the leadership this year, with sections of the whom clearly considered their own post- tions as shadow spokespersons more im- portant than policy). Its aim to link up with forces in the unions has never hap- pened outside of a few individuals (like Scargill) because the Campaign MPs looked chiefly to those holding national exccutive positions — at a time when very few in these positions are prepared to The challenge this year is vital, and term and the lessons of the campaign. This means that the left itself must rec- because of their "consciences as practising ing Kinnock finally came to a head over LABOUR PARTY sharply oppose new realism". the battles aheade in his support. own members would not vote against the miners' strike, some like Denis Skinner and Tony Benn spoke at hundreds of meetings in support of the miners. But the consensus, which mcant that it could be held back by its right wing some of whom were clcarly only in it to keep their consti- tuency parties happy and some of whom were allied with anti-Scargill forces in the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and This has meant that on occasions no clear policy has been offered. The Cam- paign group could hardly call for a three- line whip against the Alton bill for example when it accepted that some of its has marked the Campaign group since its formation: Breaking with the Tribune group in disgust at those who refused to support Tony Benn in the deputy leader- ship campaign (like Kinnock, who ab- stained), it was a positive brak from be- ing simply a loyal opposition caucus wi- thin the parliamentary Labour Party. The Campaign group declared its intention to: link with campaigns and activists outside parliament and decided on some basic issues of policy (such as, importantly, op- Yet this commitment was always more rcal from some than from others. During Campaign group has always operated by burcaucracy itself — is holding back the This same reluctance sharply to conf- ront the labour movement bureaucracy position to the witchhunt). Benn-Heller campaign. other unions.
those groups to meet and discuss sepa- The importance placed on the develop- meni of the trade union Solidarity Net- work, Women for Socialism and the in= volvement of Black Sections in the the make up of the platforms in the plen- ary sessions and by the space afforded for The forces involved show an important Chesterfield network was illustrared by So what is the potchtial of the Socialist link between left intellectuals and activists and an attempt by elements of the Can- paign group to orientate to all who sup- Gonference and what can be achieved by rately during the conference, ce's structures. Chesterfield it Take a plain piece of paper Kinnock and Roy Hattersley Unfortunately you will have MAKING A START IN to stand by the following and write at the top: We can depend on Neil to leave the rest blank. socialist principles. POLITICS No 1
regional organisations, Women for Social- real opportunity to develop socialist poli- groups is essential for this to develop in port a socialist programme — not only left Labour Party members, This affords a cies out of the experiences of those in struggle and at the same time to use formulated policy to sustain and develop struggles and raise the horizons of those involved. Developing strong links between ism, the Solidarity Network and the policy SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 8 July/September 1988 Orders to: B Grifiths, 11 Frumont Streel, London E9 PNO SEND (HOLIDAY) POSTCARDS All post tree. Payment to Labour Briefing WITH A DIFFERENCE Ten or more packs. C1.50 per pack Pack of 10 cords, E2 10
A real opportunity for the left LABOUR PARTY The regional conferences are where Chesterfield will be seen to act and inter- vene in struggle. The existing groups all have different forms and focuses — res- ponding to the particular needs in cach area. These must remain open to all, with democratic structures, and they must be RENCE: practice.
scen to give active support to campaigns not just to be a talking shop or dissolve The Socialist Conferenco should sup- port and co-ordinate the work of existing campaigns, not take over or substitute for these initiatives. However, there are cer- tain initiatives it is well-placed to cakc — a national campaign against the poll tax and a conference on the future of local intosectarian wrangling.
The Benn-Heffer challenge to the Lar bour Party leadership is scen correctly as centrai to the development of the Socialist Conference. The battle afideas unleashed government, for example.
11 COLIFERENCI Wayne F SOCIALIST commitment to build from the basc and to important that this opportunity is not take on and respond to criticism. It is Mandy Mudd addresses the Labour Briefing fringe meeting at the Chesterfield Ex-Silentnight striker Janet Seymore speaking on behalf of the trade union CHEARN OTHE M S Solidarity Network at the Chesterfield conference COURT opportunity to develop a movement thar links together all scctions of the left. Its structures are becoming more open and democratic, there does scem to be a real socialist conference gether in struggle — though there must also various malyses of the oppression of men and the recognition of the rights of class-based perspective, The idea of coun port for self-organisation — without them The Socialist Conference offers a rcal But their are considerable difficulties involved in establishing any new movement and the Socialist Conference will not be exempr. Its relationship to existing gtoups and campaigns must be worked through carefully and alliances built on principled We must recognise that the alliances built between groups coming fram different political traditions are fra- gile. The best way to consolidate these is through the experience of working. 10- be respect for the differences between these groups which should not be papered A particular point of conflict is the women, black people, leshians and gay these groups to self-orgamsation within a terposing a class' analysis to self- organisation of the oppressed is fuse and will only serve to drive away the hundreds of women, black people, lesbians and gay men who have already voiced their sup- by the challenge has opened up valuable space for the Socialist Conference to exp- loir, bur building the Socialist Conterence must mean more than a challenge to the Labour Party leadership. The aim behind the challenge was to mitsate a debate and the Socialist Conference is the logical means to take this forward after the vote at to sirengthen the organisation of the left — over in attempts to offera false unity. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 8 July/September 1988 the movement will be weakened. party conference in Octolier. policicy
changes, beginning in 1980 and culminat-