Palestinians feel their strength Are seen months of witered rebellion, the united leadership of INTERNATIONAL strength INTER
JACK GOLDBERG reports. Pann/Kafine
makeshift concentration camp in the 15 demonstration to demonstration, from beyond doubt that the whole Palestinian population was united behind the new leadership, which reflected the confidence was soon faced with enormous challenges. Obviously they had to keep the uprising zionist army's onslaught on the Palesti- One way of shackling the leadership has the response was oveiwhelming. The general strike — also involving Palestinians from the occupied territories who work in Israel — proved Having proved to be the authoritative alive, tinding the correct pace from general strike to the next general strike. They also had physically to survive the The communique no.I called for a gen- voice of the intifadah, the united leadership as many as the state structures can cope with. Currently several thousand are held some 3,000 at Ansar 3 alone, a been to detain Palestinian youth en maur and maturity of the Palestinian masses. Palestinians work the land beneath Grata settlement, West Bank: now the zionists plan to destroy their crops nian towns and villages, cral strikc. impulse of the collective act of tens of test out how weak and vulnerable were away like rabbits. Capturing an Israeli soldier, disarming him, stripping him naked and running him out of sight was - almost religious — ritual to cleanse oneself of the decades of fear, Having tested the combativity of the Palestinian masses, the next crucial test ment and the organisational structures and coordiation vital to the survival of The response of the Palestinians to the ship in the leaflets was an important The Palestinians knew that the price was going to be high. But che motional thousands of demonstrators rising as one was necessary. They needed to feel and "The soldiers are afraid of us. They run for the united leadership was to create a bridge between the spontancous move- political directives issued by the leader- dimension of the new situation. humiliation and exploitation. their conquerors. the ultimate - tional period at its high point: eyeball to 'RABIN VERSUS the cucumber' ran she headline ofa Hebrew magazine describing the latest attempt by the zionist state to In the early days, it was necessary to shock the Israelis through a mass upsurge; Thousands of children, youth and women stood shoulder to shoulder to confront the elite of the Israeli defence force (IDF), rea- dy to die and show the world what they are The bloodbath was invitable as the IDF ruthlessly carried out premier Shamir's The death toll reached more than 300, The "broken bone' police tactics designed to keep the demonstrators off the streets brought in a record 500 hospital cases in just two weeks! This was the confronta- through acts of defiance and heroism. with another several thousand wounded. wish to 'crush them like grasshoppers -Ted by Labour defence minister Rabin SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 8 July/September 1988 stop the Palestinan uprising in all its manifestations. capable of doing.
Negey desert. Another for of collective curfews which, at tines, affected over half off from the rest of the world, the zionist intolerabic as to drive a wedge between Needless to say, the zionists underesti- mated the level of Palestinian maturity unity and submission, the deprivation, punishment has been the round-the-clock a million Palestinians. Having cut them and politicisation: instead ofbreeding dis- grass roots organisations into a huge soli- state hoped to make their conditions so hunger and anxiety in fact cemented the darity movement that reaches deep into It is here that the intifadah has inflicted them and their leadership Isract itself: INTERNATIONAI oraline Pena/Refley
it came on the eve of the celebration of precipitated the worst moral crisis in ls- As Isracl started making lavish prepa- quiet on the castern front, the intifadate the most damaging wounds. Unlike the war in Lebanon, which was generally seen as a foreign policy' issue, the uprising struck at the heart of the zionist state. And rations to convince the world that all was racl's history. However, this does not mean that there is an even division he- Israci's 40th anniversary.
Palestinians. When Shamir promises to tween the friends and cnemies of the crush the Palestinians, the majority of ls- with Likud's "no quarter" policies cnjoving cident in Beita, where a scttler ran amok hatred that can be unleashed at will. Under pressure from the far right calling of them deported — and the village sealed The country has polarised to the right, unprecedented popularity, The recent in- in a Palestiman village, killing two Palesti- nians, wounding several others and in the proccss shooting by mistake a young To- raeli girl, isa chilling reminder of the mass for swift revenge. 14 houses were demol- ished, hundreds of villagers detained — six raelis ask for more
Despite the occasional cruption of such extreme hysteria, the dominant consensus remains within two main political perspectives, Likud has opted for apar- ories coupled with a denial of Palestinian King Hussein of Jordan in a joint project Whatever the future of either project, instead for bantustans — hoping to co-opt the fracture resulting from the intifadah 1s the withdrawal of the Israeli troops. nance and periphery is growing by the continued settlement ofihe territ- political and civil rights. Tabour has opted As Peace Now's political limitations prevented it from developing into a move- ment that would identify with the Palesti- nians, the anti-zionist left became the engine of the protest movement calling for Despite their small number, their reso- SOCIALST OUTLOOK no B July/Saplember 1988 working its way through Isracli socicty: to police the Palestinians: theid 16
portance of state clections is a key part of Of course it is easier for Rakah to cam- The question of the political leadership paign on its two-statc solution than it is for Abna al-Balad to run on its own program- me: they would not be allowed to do this anyway. But to understand fully the inn- the political development of che organisa- tion as a whole, For the time being, the old arguments tor absterition remain popular of Palestinians within the green line is inextricably linked to the leadership of the uprising itself. The united leadership has proved its ability to lead a popular rebel- NATIONAL was observed by more than 80 pcr cont of Palestinian identity, the zionists have had a rude awakening. The nationalism of the Palestinians inside the green line has rca- The general strike called for Land Day the 700,000 Palestinians inside Israel. Another worry for the regime is the extent to which Rakah: (the Israeli communist party) seemed overtaken by events: More and more Palestinians arc rejecting the view sustained for decades by Rakah that the main preoccupation of urfaced with a vengeance. IN TE reservists, on a platform of refusing to take The Israeli elite in the universities has The two main groups, Dai la-Kibbush and Hala ha-Kiblush, are now organising on a national yeale. Yesh Gul, organising in the ranks of the army, has stopped up the movement of refuseniks among the been stirred to its roots by the events in the West Bank and Gaza. Meeting after meet- ing in campuses demanded the immediate withdrawal of Isracl troops. The 21st year charter, youth against occupation, the women in black (who assemble every part in suppression of the uprising. day:
front between different organisations, volved mainly workers and poor peasants, local structures that the zionists tried to communique no. 19 repcated the early call lion for seven months in a model united Thev have withstood the murderous onslaught of the Israeli army, and partly dismantled the surrogate Icadership and foist upon them. They forced the mass resignation of the 1,000-slrong 'native" police force, though only a handful of the 22. mayors have actually resigned, and for resignation of Israeli-appointed coun- Despite the fact than the intifadah in- the movement was largely followed by the shopowners who, so far, have strictly ob- even including the muslim brotherhood. cil members. they are loyal Israeli citizens, and begun looking instead to a future linked with their brothers and sisters in the occupied This challenge to Rakah is reflected in the increased weight of the Abna al-Balad movement within the green line. While for many ycars this largely nationalist move- ment concentrated in the villages and rural areas, the uprising has given it the inpetus to grow and turn into a fully- remains the Palestinians the Israeli government inside Israel' F'riday in Paris Square in Jerusalem) are the thin edge of a broader movement that will sooner or later threaten the national Another important segment rif Isracli socicty, the oriental jews, have also been affected by the uprising. Several groups have boldly come forward, shattering the old myth that the "backward orientals", arc Likud fodder" and started to challenge some of the norms imposed by the Isracli state. More than 100 oriental Jews were prepared to break the laws banning any contact with the Palestine Liberation Or- meeting with the PLO in Hungary was ganisation (PLO); in the event the second The mushrooming of small groups such composed mainly oforiental Jews.
conservative political Icadership tied to served the united leadership's directives for opening times and also refused to pay their taxes and VAT returns to the Israch state. However, the bourgeoisic and their The ultimate test for the new leadership is how to take the uprising forward. The pro-Jordan elements, the PLO leadership and the stalinists, concur in their short- cerm perspectives. For them, the intifadah has succeeded in raising the issuc internat- ionally, and will ultimately force the world powers to convene an international confe- This is all they want, and they are not trying to steer the uprising in any other King Hussein arc waiting in the wings: rence to rescive the conflict. play a more aggressive political role — not fledged political organisation. The litmus test remains to what extent Abna al-Balad would be able to challenge Rakah for its role as sole arbiter of the Palestinian de- For this, the organisation has to shar- pen its profile (the launch of a weekly paper still Icaves it behind the enormous resources of Rakah's publishing houses]. popularise its political programme, and the zionists underestimated maturity and politicisation' the level of Palestinian stiny inside Israel as the 'Committce for Isracli-Palestinian dialoguc', the 'Oriental Front' and Fast for peace will pile up further pressure on Alarmed at the activities of the peace movement, the Israch state launched * counter-offensive in April, primarily aimed against the far left. They needed, however, to cast the net far wider, attack- ing journalists, including the foreign press as well as Palestinian journalists, Most important was the closure of De- loped into a full-scale witchhunt: Five members of the Hanitzotz organisation, Ribhi al-Aruri, Ya'acov and Roni Ben Efrat, Michal Schwarz and Hadar Tahar rekh Hanitgotz in Israel proper, which deve- newspapers and agencies the national consensus.
direction: Rakah is therefore trying to put the brakes on the militancy inside the The Palestinian masses have no confi- dence in an international conference, the Arab ruling classes or the superpowers. They hope the united leadership will give The latest call for economic self- sufficiency and a boycott of Israeli goods is for many the best way to consolidate and This is why Isracli soldiers have now and tomatocs. For them it means nipping organisation, which for the Palestinians a clear alternative political perspective. in the bud any new form of sclf- declared war on Palestinian cucumbers — will be the next stage of their struggle ® dig in for victory. Abna al-Balad), but also a programme just as a junior partner in a coalition with gramme distinct from the Progressive List distinct from the Rakah-led list of the Rakah. One of the most important ques- Democratic Front for Peace and Equ- Among the Arab electorate it is impor- tant that Abna al-Balad runs on a pro- for Peace (an carly right wing split from take the uprising forward' new leadership is how to the ultimate test for the tions is whether they will run Knesset election next November. However, the main preoccupation of cades of attempting to erase all sense of have now heen charged among other things with membership of the Democra- fic Front — a 'crime which carries up to a The move to criminalise Israeli political activists is calculated to cut off the far left When it seemed merely a question of press those charged; but use of the terms 'state the Israeli government remains the Palestinians inside Israel. Despite four de- from the rest of the protest movement. freedom, a number of liberals were pre- pared to stick their necks out to defend and terrorism' have deterred SOCALIST OUTLOOK no 8 July/September 1988 any public display of support. 10-ycar jail sentence.
Stayaway success unites INTERNATIONAL opposition
ORGANISE OR STARVED
A COSATU organiser in Pietermaritzburg Sily Paddock/katan President Botha
respondents, 'you can take i number of COSATU's demand to submit the bill to power minister Pict du Plessis to discuss SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 8 July/September 1988 business and a strong supporter of the labour relations amendment bill, asked con- fidently in an interview with foreion cor- people away from work for three days, but when the sun rises on Thursday morning what has changed?" Some hours later, God- sell was in Cape Town for talks with man- orgausations organisation by the trade unions and. com- with rccognised days of commemoration and as a result of cmergency restrictions, soch as the United Democratic Front (EDF) and the National Forum have been greatly Robert Godsell, a representative of big repression with restrictions placed on trade unions and political organisations, and regulations in force making such actions illegal. In addition, the past success of work stayaways has been dependent in joint munity organisations. Also, with some ex- ceptions, they have been called to coincide June 6 was not such a commemoration of CosTL in May. This bold tove was taken despite all the omens being untavour- able, that is, in a period of protracted such as Sharpeville or May Day. community and township All the car plants and thousands of mainly white-owned factories and places of be paid for workers who absented themsely- two diamond mines lost production. Never- theless, the minimal support from this vital. sector reflects the demoralisation among the business were closed although the usually stayaway was taken at a special conference ners, still suffering from the defeat of last ycar's strike, at work. Even here not all miners were intimidated. The National Union of Miners claim that 35000 joined the protest. A chamber of mines spokesper- son admitted that at least six coal mines and momentum continued. This despite the fact es and threatened other disciplinary mea- Only the draconian threats from the - dominated by the *liberal' Oppenheimers and Anglo- American — succeeded in keeping the mi- African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the rival federation National Council of Trade Unions (NACTU) co-ordinated their actions: Although the numbers were somewhat less on the sccond and third days (see box), the that the bosses warned that no wages would militant ictail sector was affected by the split in CCAWU. Theinitiative for calling the miners after the strike. chamber of mines theid goes on despite the continuous state of emergency and despite the full might of the On the first day of the protest, f June 18 ghout the strike the Congress of South for a three-day stayaway by the African and 1961 collapsed for lack of support on the second day. The organised black work- to the bosses that the battle against apar- 1988, over two million workers respondec It was called in protest against the labour National Congress and the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) in 1958 ing class has given notice to the regime and THIs WAs BY far the biggest and most extensive action of its kind in South African history and the only one to last three days. to the call from the trade unions. Throu Africa on June 6, T and 8 marke " relations amendment bill and against the repression of the opposition, Previous calls The three-day stayaway in South a new high level of consciousness CHARLIE VAN GELDEREN. among the working class in the land of apartheid, writes racist state apparatus.
Wednesday Wednesday 72% *8% 0-30% 28% Tuesday 0-50% 28% Tuesday 78% 52% Figures forback (A/racon and Indian) terkers staying anas. INTERNATIONAL Total number ofemployees covered bysurvey: #7% 0-62% 11% Monday Monday 88 u 81% (African wonderr absent from work) Stayaway ranged between Clothing/Textiles Manufäcturing: Shop and Remail PWW area Transport arbitration: and when the sun rose over the South African horizon on the Thursday after the stavaway, the minister had offered supported the bill, announced support in the coloured housc of delegates, tor a motion requesting that the bill be sent back to the parliamentary standing committee must pass through all three houses of parlia- be referred to the president's council before There were ther clear signs that the stavaway had achieved one of its objectives - to force a re-think of the anti-union legislation which had had the tulsome sup- port of big husiness. On that same Thurs- day, COSATU met with the South African consultative committee on labour aflairs (SACCOLA), which represenus the major calities involved in submitting the bill to the The Labour Party, which had previously einplover federations, to discuss the techni- 'white, "coloured" and Indian" for 'scrutiny of certain conditions tosuspend part of the draft law. It becomes law.)
existing alliance structime with affliates of the United Democratic Front and that the proposed anti-apartheid conference should What was finally agreed would appear to tions, it instructs COSATU's central execut- ive committee, together with its "traditional allies", to set up a planning committe which will draw up a programme of action and which will invite orgamsations to at- This would, according to one delegate. "allow CostrU together with its allies to stent with its support of the Freedom isations outside COSATU, such as NACTU, the drafting programme of action. There growing demand for a united front against pressed even more forcefully by the close during the three day stayaway and by the high level of support in Natal despite the be a compromise belween the three poss- draw up a programme that will be consi- Charter but with the authority to invite groups such as NACTU and the Four Free- What remains in doubt is whether organ- will be prepared to take part in such a conference if they are to be excluded from can be no doubt, however, that there is a the increasing repression and this demand was forcefully expressed by many delegates at the emergency conference. It was ex- co-ordination between COSATU and NACTU opposition of Buthelezi and his reactionary economically artire blacks are employed in thir red and more than half afindustry and commerce is focated the industrial heartland of South Africa. 30 per vent of not be seen as an alternative to this. Total number ofemployees covered by survey in Nataland PM V region: 122,606 doms Forum to participate tend the conterence, movement, Inkatha ( One block of unions argued that COSATU's drive to create broader unity in the face of organisations including those with white Insisted that COSATU should build on its is a sufficient expression of the aspirations of the working class. It has also refused to president, Elijah Baravi went on to em- phasise that the broad anti-apartheid front should be based on the principles of the Freedom Charter. In this Baravi seems to issued a joint statement in which it was stressed that the issuc of the Freedom Charter should not be a stumbling block to There appears to have been a thorough- ly-aired debate over the issues involved from which three main positions evolved. the government crack-down should focus on worker organisations and other township- based organisations. A second group urged that it should embrace all anti-apartheid liberals' in their ranks. The third position has declared that it has no objection to white leaders emerging from the ranks. There is, however, another major stumbling adopted the Freedom Charter as the basis for its political platform. NACTV has grave doubts about whether the Freedom Charter In the same speech in which he appeared be taking a harder position than the leader- ship of the African National Congress. A recent mecting between the ANC and NACTU At its last conference, COSATU PWT: Pretoria-Witestercond-Fereeriging to open up to other sections", endorse the Azanian Manifesto. Survey workforce total unions, It also aims to prevent the unions conference give the appearance of stretch- tie question of whether NACTU and groups which include white herals, such as the Five Frecdoms Forum should attend the NACTU affiliated unions did not come into COSATI when it was formed because of disagreements over the question of white leadership within the trade union move- ment. Since then, NACTU has modified its drawn from middle-class intellectuals but scrutiny of an Independent tribunal. Also signficant is the decision taken by COSATU's That the government has expressed wil- egislation — is an oblique recognition of the The throc-day protest was to be the beginning of a campaign against the gov- After considerable debate COSATU's special conference decided to convene a conference ofa broad range of anti-apartheid organisa- on opposing apartheid repression'. In addition to the call for three days of national peaceful protest it was also decided to hold demonstrations at fac- lories every Tuesday to protest aginst the labour relations amendment bill. This legis- lation will entrench racial divisions in the The decisions taken at the emergency ing out a hand to other scctions of the population which are gravitating toward a tendency to act in union against a common enemy. According to reports from de- legates, the central debate revolved around position. It remains hostile to white leaders executive committee to consult NACTU lingness to discuss the coment of the law — it response to an action which is expressly erument clamp-down on opposition groups. about its planned mectings with SACCOLA. power of the organised forces oflabour, SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no. July/September 198B from engaging in "political activities prohibited under cxisting and anti-apartheid conferencc.
ONE OF BRITISH conservalism's catch- phrases in its pontifications on Ireland is the call for a return to normality' in the north. It is worth remembering what that normality consisted of Before 1968: a
had a history and a programme that went back to Connolly and which retains its: was a group of activists from the Young Socialist Alliance. We were flexible enough to be the firmest supporters of the movement for youth radicalisation but we importance today — the central role of the demand for national independence and Twenty years ago we demanded civil rights. We got pogroms, internment, tor- turc, the I1-blocks and shoot-to-kill At that time many militants looked to the government of the south of Ireland for support. Today Irish capitalism is in the forctront in supporting British rule, has launched its own savage austerity against the working class and is driving Trish Only one demand is possible now — the immediate withdrawal of British troops One clement of 68 that is worth remembering is that it was a time when capitalist was at its strongest The nor- thern cconomy was booming. Catholic unemployment was at its lowest since the foundation of the six county state. I was one of a gencration of nationalist youth, the children of the 1948 education act, Young people and workers saw capital- ism at its best and rejected it. Since then capitalism and imperialism have become a great deal more vicious, but they have not become stronger. We have not forgot- tcn. We have not gone away. And we still SOCIALST OUTLOOK no 8 July/September 1988 the need for working rlass leadership. and self-determination for the youth into the immigrants" boats. able to attend university. wantour freedom! 1969: British troops go into the north of Ireland We had many shortcomings. We were: threw up new methods and tactics against all we had the collective power and soli- On a smaller scale the same factors with the Prague Spring developed an anti- utopian and idcalistic. Wecarried the idca of direct democracy so far that we refused meeting the Rugby club successfully voted down a plan of action and we had to mect the power ofimagination. We continually outside craditional republicanism. Above was its great strength, but this could not to have a membership — at onc university These shortcomings were overcome Try darity of mass struggle. What was thcory The middle class leadership of the civil the sidelines. The movement went on nation of a history of struggle linked to strong that 20 years of bloody repression stalinist libertanian leflism which would stato forces ill-prepared for opposition one weck was tested in praclice the follow- The spontaneity of the 58 movement survive the state's mobilisation of the monist night in pogroms or the direct intervention of the British army to laid the rights movement and the strategists for retorm in the communist party faded to of struggle against British rule represented by the republican movement, The combi- experience of mass action combined to applied to Peoples Democracy. At its core because it was able to link to a continuity produce a revolutionary consciousness so ine wrek by tens ofthousands of pcople. civil power' and maintain partition. eventually cohere into trotskvism. havcfailed to break it. again without them! one-party state controlled by a unionist Behind the scencs it was in turn ruled Nationalists were denied the vote in local level. Mass poverty and uncmployment roamed the streets, armed and given uni- forms by the British. The special powers act gave such sweeping powers that the South African premier Vorster offered to In many ways the situation today is 1968 in Ireland is significant not by a secret socicty — the Orange order. government. There was a pervasive and institutionalised discrimination at every were the notm for nationalist workers. A exchange all his repressive laws for one worse. Twenty