abuse children. Seriously one-sided decisions po their beball: basic decisions Indeed, despite all the media hype, private medicine, is still proluundly unpopular. Less populatinn ate mostly through company schemes which end at retirement — when health care is most focate the NHS may press-gang some parents in chromic pain into an Edna Healcy-syle compromise, this does not mucan the public of querying traditional opposition to privatise- con, and retreating from any pledges to and branch defence of this, the most popular Since June 11 a totally new agenda for the For instance, it is now commonplace to hear and read assertions that demand for health car is somehow insatiable John Moore or 'infinite, whilst the taxpayer's unmeasured — need for acute services, If the waiting lists were cleared tomorrow, few would be back for more uf the samic treat- ment the next day. Cheaper provenrative medicine might even hope to redse some Thr rebellious laxpayer [always presum- od vuung and healthy) is as much a hetion as infinite demand". All the alternative! systems are mom expene than the Nils, and mom hrital. Labour should be warning that when the first patients arrive for treatmucat to lace a 15 fee for a GP appointment, or a needed, Though Thatcher's strategy to sut- on has neither the commitment nor the bottle to wage a tool covered by private medical insurance ir will organie and tad a real rebellion willingness to finance the NUS 1 'finite" has so far centred Worse, the wholesale 'rethink' What nonseuse! There is a finite - Nus has been set by the Thatcherites. HEALTH spend more taxpavors moncy than nine per cem of the Kinnock's front bench love private medicine Labour's policies Worse, the public service;
chepensed with in the parue of empowering workers, but lot as not protond they can be goals and obircrives af ductors and social So let us by all means argue about the The Toresshould not be having things all their own way Milhone of people are still loyal to Sits and irs original values: Licy would supporr a crusading fight for increas- ed funds and democratic control of the NHs,
ligures in popular culure going hack many child abuse. They argue that child ahust is figure argument is not at all counterposed Again, I think their argument is one-sided. figure, and not about sexual desire; nor 1s to saving that child sexual abuse has gor a subcurrent of obsession with 'Lolla -typc abuse of children simply down to poverty fot to do with sexual desire, and some of suffer bas rothing to du with child abuse? Equally, the abuse of power by a father ahout the assertion of power by a father demoralisation which very poor families which the authors give nf the causes of Bur can we say that poverty and the it Caused by poverry, bai housing, etc. Of course it is right bu reject SWP-tope arguments which put rape and sexual the ways that this is manipulated in 1 My second objection is the account society like ours, in which there is a year's 40th anversary of the NHS could com- sis suppliers, and to develop health services as pa nt a socialist economy platmed on the The problem is that neither the Kin- nockites nor the health unions are offering such a lead They appear oblivious to the threats The ground is being conceded to Yet local campaigus are emerging once again in response to the new wave of cucs, confirming the loyalty of health workers and Such campigns are vital for the workers" movement. If the flame of loyalty to the old ideals is allowed to flicker and lade, nexr lioked to the igislation and enforcment of a hasir minimum provision ol bealch care and ed NIs lead naturally to the need to na- lunalise the drug monopolies, and dier Arguments in delence of a properly fund many labour movecent activists to the NHS. hine a two-cheer celebration with the begin Thatcherism without even 4 light. basis of needs rather than profits a right to freatment. mings of a wake, Denis BanD llan Su: where is the outery from the Labour Lory health secretary John Moore will be able to stand back and guage public carton proach to the most emotionally churged at- Icaders? Them was no hint from Brighton thar Kinnnck's ceam are aware of the pace or before he arts. This is surely the tho-risk ap SOCIALST OUTLOOK mad November/December 1987 Institure's 'omega report back in 1984. tempt yet at privatisation. scale of the shreat.
specialised agencies, there's no way round would mucan the destruction of the mocicar change in existing social relations which mechanisms for society to intervene and porential victims of abuse. This means defend children who are rhe actual or family. So, socialises have to support Socialist Outlook wants your letters! If you feel moved to write — and we hope you will - please try and keep to a maximum of 300 words. Send to: PO Box 705, Phil Hearse personal life in advanced capitalism for a 'empowered" within them without a total that the nuclear family is going to be the predominant form of the organisation of zero per deal. The truth of the matter bo destruction of capitalism are zero point very long time. Children are going to continue to live in families, and they London SW2 5UN. cannor be in any lundamental way utopian. It talks about "the inherenr danger article which struck me as sounding really empowering children would destroy the power structure of che nuclear family in for children living in families becoming Capitalist sociery?. So it would, but the apparent to more people: Then it says Finally, there are some parts of the chances uf it happening before the
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 4 November/December 1987 winch children requin, and By becaking the Finally, the power of men in familey will assor tafion in then between power and sex. Ar another lesel, reactionis to child sexual capertation of sekual innocence in children. worthwhile in iself The necessary therapy domination. Faihare to raise such ipestions grady of abused children — surcly the liest children is treated as qualitatively difterent sexuality asa whole help make possible die suspected sexual abuse, perpetrators could erupty autarrhy, bus be the establishment implies that it is taken for granted that shis configuration of attinades to caldhood and professions have not on the schole helped tie postin of tic vicums of sexual ahor children than purring de burden al proof with sexualis: Womend to ask why sex in responsihility lor die care and prutection abuse are saped hy a basconcally specifie rikiren can he now, it would be a muct arrinates. Some of the guilt survivors feel lois bior that the saute and the raring But a dillerent analysis leads to differeor sep i any growth at a consciousness of from other loems of abuse. The disbelief surrunding its greater becausc of machi for victims should emphase work with more significant shalt of power towards he removed from the kens as casily as nur be broken by granting children particular should be need is weapon of is how men "naturally bchase sexually may be due co the belict that they have nact of sence imposed on the pictim. transgressed agasust the strong socia demandi In our view. I. in cascs of and constructng now forcot male our the must a prosecution results The secrecy and shame surrounding susuality, so that the scrat abuse at months later, although this may be biv adults of democratic collective Stevi Jackson & Julian Wilson given the power to do so. collective oppressin. somality therdent ol'insensitice or horrile reactions tor al male sexuality. Revognition that sexual abuse, where the perpetrator will often have Moreovet, any einpowermont of children blown away by a quick psychological repair A fariber problem with the article as that abused daldren, are singularly ill-equipped to step into the role of sovoreign, individual Ofcourse children should be encouraged in make cboice and decisions, but we must made for lict be espected to take her life in will always be partsal Of course childhood abuse, like rape, is an expression of powir mother. All these feclings canmor be land ar it tails to dual with the issue of masculinity suhordination of women and chiltren Will citizens exercising thein legally guaranteed been subject to adaht authority all hier life, likcly to feel deeply instilled guilt and self- On a wider scale, Dam and Tudith say who has delerred to arals, had decisions empowering chikiren would destruy the engendered in survivors include those of "disclosure" by the state, nor can they br appreciate that a statutory right to do so powerlesiness. How can a child who has 15 socially constructed, bur this does tol between the Capacities nE a five-sear-olri and a lilicen-ycar-old to understand the power structure of tie nuclear family in Are we to believe that, with the does nor mean that it has godlung tn do Survors of all forms of child ahise upe job. Tackling them is the work of years. wurld and make deasons accordingly. braking up the lamily and hurring the would fail to counter their deep-rooted "empowerment" of children the entire capitalist soriety". I only it wer that blamn, especially in the rase of sexual her own hands at a moment of crisis? invoked cmotional fies as one way of material faris lor Lee family and the mean there is no mherent difference quelling the child's resisance. Economism, functionalism and covert liberalism Tinan right» therefore anri-materiulist view of the family; relations within families and the diversity of considerable bistorical change. Nobctheless rither for is pervasiveness and persistence, Unformnately, it suffers from a degree of family forms within which male ceminance and Judith's premise reduces patriarchy to Tr alse tends to slide into an essentialist and however, ignores the complexities of power historicaLevidence demonstrates thar child avoids the errors of most of the left press in relerence to class (and muce tersa), bai Dani Dani and Judith's legalistic conception of a ride-cffect of class which fuds to account that ir confronts the problems ol analysing ritual sideswipe ar rarical feminism when Shutamith Firestone in The Dialectic of Sex. band aral a covert liberalism on the other. It is certainly the case that the family is functional for capital in ways poincod by -gential form since the beginning of time. Family forms, as well as the posstion of It is ironic that Dani and Judith take a deir perspective no clearly erhoes that of "empowerment. Bur children, especially the famuly in terms of boch Lapitalism and What is micant by this? It sounds as if the equal status for children, also implied in economistn and functionalism on the onr sexual abuse did exist prior to the fise ol patriarchy, which is a precondition of an cxisted as long as the family has existed" modern bourgeois family forms and the Firestone in effect argues for a formally childhood. (I course: parrarchy in qur emergence of the modern institution of Dari Ahren's and Judith Paton's urticle children wittun bouscholds and within society cannot be understand without We are told child sexual abrise has socinty at large, have been subject to family has been in existence in some no for the changes in has undergone. Dani and Judith. Such an analysis, has tustorically been exercised. adequate marxist explanation: and importantly, uf sexuality 16
17 Soviet Union and he international class struggle The official communist parties Seventy years after the October revolution. the have evolved very differently from the political To celebrate our revolution, JOHN LISTER looks at some of the key events and political It falls to trotskyists, roday's consistent revolutionary marxists, to uphold the principles programme of Bolshevism and the hopes of revolution, bur they have turned their backs on every one of the political and theoretical anniversary of the October may still celebrate the Lenin and Trotsky. Lenin addressing a demonstration in Sverdlov Square, Moscow, May 1920 - Revolution issues that laid the basis for the great October victory. strengths which made that revolution possible. Russian Kamenev and Trotsky await their turn to speak The and methods of Bolshevism. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 4 November/December 1987
meccy and instead looked en liberal? elements al die capitalise class to lead the fight lur social demorracy against absence nf clementary democratic righis, they temled racher to overlook the working class as a revolutenary P
inety towards the liberal bourgeoisir to Irom 1870 onwards, the most radical naradniks. who based thernselves un the toass prasairy (80 per ccot of thr population): Phough warly parodniky had fought courageously against sar Tater Jooked murcas- lop an it signulican force in Russia political surrept on die scene weir the An the working clask began to deve ist. They, loo. the Tsar
Agaust this mcad Plekhan in tA boldly proclaimed at the fir congress of the Second Intomational fight for deniocracy:
SOCIALIST OUTDOK 604 Novemtier Dweember 1997 What this new tend. which sents Iris with sillicient precision been. stated by Bernstein, and demonstrated: 'It was dewed that there is uns cuter-discinction in principle bee cover their shift to the right. Lenin ah-olers dogman marcist, repre- = ficially marse Bernstei and octer adopte a: "critical arude toward- • frontal arrack on the opportunis actions of the lestship of the large grimly familiar to us in today 's crisis us their equisalent of today ten The berms of this argument ajmat mg a working rias leadershup and marcist party: he abd developed and mics agamst che relonst curente subing sway within lhe Scrond Liter- polemnics was contained in the pample- rarod Dy Eduard Bernstein in Grt the author in 1890 of the mandeste strengilencil the whole political and theoretical foundation for this in Toile- PrICHAPS TO tust decisie of these lie What To Br Don"(1902), which b Finch party, and the dicorics cale used the slogat frondom of crincisc the Liberation of the Working Chiss. Plekbanoy, us well as later Struve. figures of the trovement lamar deut- scies defected to the camp. bl Die liberal bourgeoiste Tonin, howerer. not-only remained committed to build- By, the mid 1840s a massive strike movement involving over half a suil- organisation of workers" circles: Ono of these, the Sr Petershung Leager for lc congress. and many wher carl- 'The Kussian revolution will either triumphias a revolution ol' tlic working Lion workers gave a big imperas to thr frun the first Ruskian social densocra class, or it will not triumph acall realison and poury tonich by |French leader| Millerund ridden labour moxement involved lenin matishal many. that: illasions. Cliven thessmall size of the industrial working chess: the back- Ioped under very different political Opportunism corrainly bad its im- pact: bur Russian opportunes were tot so rasily dawled by parhamentary wardness of the egroomy, dad the and Labour l'at (RSDLP) deve Red soldiers on one of the armoured trains that played a decisive role in the civil war The Bolshevik Party which followed the October victory pressures: Lenin apparans, and adapted themselves to pwely parlamentary and trade union forms of work seekag only retorme Tiergung comparatively lace (1992) and weak tonly cighr people at ita trunchne congress, which was raided be policeyin a climate al brutal repres- sion. the Russiao Sociat Demane The Second Torettational, just de- sch yous old still officially professed adherence so the theories and politics Omarxism. However its larger parties hall developed their uwn biteateranc practical programmie and leadership Bolsherism emerged from Die sharp political harles within the bramewort eL social democracy, begining at the Russia 70 ccars ago was the product of lier than 1917 and reaching lur wider throw of capitalist and consolidation nEwarking class power was the role of tbe Bolshevik Party, a mique develop- eat translating rhe economic and polical analyso of matrim into a THE TREAT October revoltion which brought die working class to power, in events and struggics beginning far nur- Tsdispensible to die eventual over: notably in France and Germany for the workine ches. turn at the century. within capitalism. lier than 1917 18
reet exponente of bourgonis pulitics gevisr which professed adherepce 10 Loun'& light for a party based on disciplined through the principe of Bornstein und Millerand, they valned thein freedom" to act as they wished tif capital- ing reformist, bourgeois ideulogy in However there were aso phone di- still attached to Russian social demo- cracy. The scal of tsarist oppression matsism hur emaied foarfil of work- which would overnum their power ard property: Tsar and establish a sufficient demo- thr workung class, and structured atl lietua to these legal marxists". Tike sought simpiy tor use workers" struggies to mast lh har created & current withar the bonr апа centralism proved cracy ro allow a new "stage" ist development a frec rein the worker: movement. ing class revolurion, These "egal marxists" irmouratic: ing social democracy, the Ercodom to con- bourgeais elemants into: U The throry of the plesnazruggir was rejected un grounds that it could noc be applied tora strictly democranc socic- ly, governed accoring to the will nf #Thus the demand for a resoluce tatn front revolurionary social demo- sor ial-retirmism was accompanied by a no less resolute mura cowarde bourgeois criticism ul all Denuncing Millerand for joining a French bourgeais Cabinet whirh con- nived in the repression of workers* •Freedom Of criticisn" means Ercodom for un opportuniscie trend in VeTE sucial democracy into a democra- uic party of reform, and freedom to the fundamental ideas of marxism." Norialism truggles, Lemin conclude: twen liberalism and cracy to: bourgeois che majority, cTe.
On the other side, Martov spelled out a vory differen conception uf a Ihe Martos conceprion — whirh From 1900 to the secchd congress of 1903; Lenin urganised" armand chie new paper Iskra the vampaigh lor ui centralised, disciplined, all-Russian parry which ould allow anvonc to call uter 1903 wax upheld by the Menshe- temeie a party member manust wurkers party un die political stage. with trade union struggles *Lenin came into conflict wing of the movement, which was preoccupicd with the "cconomist"* and did not build a vanguard party'
explort chicap labour and materials in 19 sure luc the parry would he gos a vanguard but a reageert, acapable of cadine the nasses because it was not Trin ridiriiled Mar- Cde Mariov carries his mistuke to be lowrring ro diver ravry manilesccon nf rhe- Mase strignle But we should be. tat enders if we were to identilv this primary forne of stugge which m in no more thuan a trade monist ferms. with the ull round and conscious social! IS THE PVEN! Benin's view wow die. Cias forcigi investnent pourcd in to differentiated from them by idcology sbcal democraev to the level of merc conld only if the social democrars sar- reeded in directing every strike, for it is their plain and anquesionuble dury day at the 1903 congress, and die Rsbte divided into two factions reflect- ing opposing case proweros — fac- hous which worc csscitially rival par- tio with counterposed objecrives Thin conflice wold continue right irp to the poins pf the Orober revolution. when Tie wirking class itsell had cobti- nued to gaww in numbers cud mudin- would eo ovcry striker cuki prolim himxel a parcy mem the Mensbeyiks sided with the capital tic poust it absurdis. rik (minority) lendenes ists agaunst the workers. toth argumenr thar democrate struegie strike-making. & or discipline rejoice ber: behind spantencous and loenive inr- wethers mövement, which prom- economists apprarh served onle us a political mewspapen to couy beid its ranks: aad chalcagcd thesi who wen costeht to joe aions riarives, leaving the policical field open in rhi, Lenin came into conilicr wing of the cupred eschf with shule unrog struggles and opponed the call for a sanguard political party of dhe working clave Nu maller how tadical ibeir therorie tbe plurity the limited horizons od maule anion conscionmess, thoc steenethes 1907-1910 were ycars of wing repression and tor the liberal bonnerne reaction with. the feromonin" organise Leon Trotsky secret police archives of In his eorly the Tsar's twenties, from the SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 4 Novenber/December 198/ was obliged to deuciop ap alternaties model ofa somminely marxist parts. und imposing a discipline over its w uRson Lt. the Colsvection to compo. the govertmeor to pass Ir was ro the working class party thar In rejccting this approach. Lenin ensuring adherence to its programme mcpbers, Frecdon ef crituasin in in- centr dised discipline in implementing Lenu insisted on the need to fight Hough workere arc thrown spomu- teuusly again and again into balke. Uuis docs nor antomarically lead to a *The history of all countries shows thal it is neessary tn combine mn unions, figot the employers, and stivi Such венею в 4 form of stent aliemative lead to be disghrlur by -Were the proleteriat as a whole capahle of grasping ins historical task, it would need neuber parry nor trade union. Revolution would come simul- Lenin desated himself. He spelled our demands for an all-Russan parry and ternat debare lad to be matched by lor the scientifi method of marcin. challenging reformist currens inside that the working class, exchesvely by besc own ellor. 8 abde lo decilub wnir trude the organisarions of the working class. consciousness: the consi rancously wich the proletariat." Mars pecessary labour legislation, ers." covalubonaty comsrionsness: som and ihe trade anconx) sthe majoriy derion. bourgeois TREISIE
I was to be the key to the THese Desces were tar froes abstract The relative calm of tie satimer of 1905 broke down Will u setters in Si Petersburg came out demanding wage inercases, trigerring stoppages mn other undustries. Polirinal di mands for constitutional rights were added On TOcher Moscow Kazan Babsorkers guined the soppage mid within a weck the rail network was telegraphi worker walked out, schools and mi- Mure's terminology of the penna- sent (uninterrupted, unbroken) revo- new wave of strikes in October. Type- ind October esents of 1917, Postal exchanges paralvsed: Julen Kussia, butlding large, state-of-the-arr trial ecomes in the midst ofa back- Thc new generation of Russian' workers were given no decades nr centuries ol graduat mdustrinhsagon, table to beguile them with illusions in repression and a harsh, rapid transi- workers with a choice of passivity or lowed by massive strikes me 1902 in the production plants from modern indus- to organise frade (sarist tion from village to factory confronted The mid 1890s strike wave was lul- unions, no crumbs from the bosses burcaucratised ter democrac space ward peasant cconomy class collaboration. mass struggle. Thc bew sprawling.
A= Cossack troope were sent out le repress the strikers, barricades wept on 13 October due burch of thr SE connie Though It begati s001 500 delegates Irom across the cutive including three Bolsheviks; three Mensheviks and three Social Revolutunanies Was eleited. "The so- vict launched a newspaper Traitejo Ar rhis poins the Tsar, in a change of tactice, picker a new prime miniser vetsilies closed and commene pol Must signilicantly, the excuts saw Peterdurg swit from the printers witle delegates fun und one distret: county wor atrending, and an esc up and workers raided gun shops. (Tirlings) on 17 Ocrober Japsed. Political meetings attracted crowds of forry thousand, and showed the poren- ing class had been radicalised. linking an elected constituent assembly, the removal of the Tsar and a provisional In January 1905 a political strike ul one hundred Housand So Petersburg workers brought the city to a stand- still. On 9 Tanuary, a mass demonstra- tion of workers dresser in their mar, bed to de Wister Palace to pres- cal a petition to the Isar. Dozens were kances with the political demands for Sunday best and headed by a priest cils of Rosrov, led by Jobra comrades, By 1905 more sections of the work rial for revolutionary develogment. beir cconomic demands gOvernment
Are the gates of our prisons only a scrap of paper. Today it has and Issued manilesto promising u value and cdchrated, Trorsky, speak ing at a huge rally ar the university: hailer the desclements as the first 'Do per hasten so celebrare victory: His not vet complete. Does the pronus: sory note weigh as much as pure gold? been given to us and tomorrow it will Be taken away and torn into pieces as I constitution. civil liberties. and um- Ware the Bberals cook all this at face great vitory ofthe Working clace, Is *The Tsar's manifesto versal sultrage. class leadership afer the establishment exile, was the frst to translate Plekha- of the democratic dictarorship'. The Mensheriks. In contrast, looked for: ward to collaboration with the capital- ist class in a prolonged period of capi- however, returning from nov's 1889 insistence on the working class charaster of the revolution, and talist development. arrives at the Petrograd, 4 May 1917 station, Trotsky Finland rics, lenin and the Bolsbeviks took a brutally guaned down by isarist of ficers: but with the victims persheel many illusions of pearful reformis to thic aurneratir regime. Barricades wer thrown up in the working chare dia- When the first wave of lighting 1905. the liberal" capitalists and ma- demics beld conterences und banquets to politely press their request the Isar tu establish a constituent asemble. Wide the Mensheviks were careful Rossia wonld be led by those dignita- ebber, towards the end of February put lo upart the capiralists, consinced tricts, and street fighting broke mut. ine the democratir revolarion They were ignored.
SOCAUST OUTLOOK no.4 November/Decamber 1087 un now tearing is to pieces, thispaper- Thougt the general strike was called off, the soviet continued to organise. raiding cach major print works in turn to force them to print Telestive, edited by Trotsky: The soviet rhrew down its challenge to thr rsarist srare on the 'Only those newspapers may be vensorstup committees, refuse to sub- mit Luci issues for censorstup. and generally act in the same was as the Newspapers which fail to accept the present resolution will be confiscated soviet in publishing its own paper published whose editors ignore liberty, before vour very eyes." censurship issue, deciding that. from their sellers Karl Marx's poss mortem of de 18+8 revolucions. into a direct claim to uE nothins of'stages of development and for a recognition of the interna- as well as the imporence of the Russian bourgeoiste Tronsky argued that the only const ship of the democratic revolarion, and to curry it trough as part of is own, socialist revolution. - establishing the Tronsky revved He argued for a rejection of dogma- bonal character and uneven develop- stently revolutionary class was the pro Jeteriar, which had to take the leader and the vacillations of the peasantry working class power in Kussia dictatorship of the proletariat. For thistanalysis. Borgroit government: bur the workers? and pearames wuuld be the driving: From exile in Geneva, Benin ins- isted thar the boorgeoise could not be with the tasks of the demouratic revolution - and that only ment brought to power by the workers and peasants could establish a genuine tuent assembly- He expressed this m tis call lor the democrats dictator- In Lenin's view this would still be a lurce of the resplution The workers would need to continue their indepen- 20 dent smuggles and build their own sbip of the proletariat and peasantry.? provisional govern very dillerett, more aggressive line. and Lunchionig
In this way the sovict had gonc far dination: it was now championing pol- lical demands and workers' control in The Tsar muld por even hod a com- mercial printer for his manifesto. The- ie was d duol power in the lands the power of the sovier challenging the Two wocks alter the general arike ended, another massive general strike defiance of the central state apparatos: beyond its omginal rask of strike coor authonry of the state machinery.
21 from 1914 to October demonstration Moscow, May addressing a in Sverdlov developed at all levels. Fren the rank The autume of 1930 saw growing international rons, fratemisation between workers Buter resertuent aguinso the 1sar showee their irritation in Decembor hy ordering the marder of Rasputin, the mystic who had exercised a hyp- noric power over all aspects of royal By January 1917, 375,000 workers mass resistance on February 19. On Petersburg) were locked our affer But it was women textile workers, defving Bolshovik advice and walking queues who had been told there would he no bread that day, they marched on and fle nobiliry, the grand dukes, (assembly) demanding food. Next day my were peasants, and the warrine crisis coincided with a new twist in the problem of the agrarian revolation in A wave of prasant rebellion took shape alougside rhe cocrgenee of thie powerful working rass. While Rus- sian capiralins sought to exploit che war as a chance to make fabulous pro- firs, the workers quickly rejeczed the patriotic propaganda and hud begun agitation and mobilisation ue the fac- törles, Inercasing Bolshevik propagan- da: political strikes and demonstra- and soldiers, and revolutionary acrivi- were out on political strikes, and the onsct of bread rationing provoked 21 Erbruary workers at the giann Put- demanding a lilty per coor pay gered the events. of the February Revolution Joined by the vast bread 240,000 workers were on strike, with numericaily small hur connemically to tight back by the summuer of 1915. wamen's day (23 February) who trig ty among the sailors of the Baltic fleet WIETHE outbreak of world war in reformist evolution of the majority of The war was both a disgrace and a social democratic partics gave way to the collapse of internationalism in the Lenin in September cor through the waffe and spelled out the harsh realiry The struggle for markers and for novement of the proletaral and to the proletarians ol all countres, to in- tion for the proflo of the bourgeuisie — rhat is the real coprenr and mean- capitalise property relations and na- tional boundaries served onlv-to letter rather than advance the development markets and colonics, the politics of reformist social democracy, wedded to cápitalism, could anly play the most icactionary role, reinforcing chauvin- ism and ning up worker againer The Bolshevik line on the war flow- ed from this internationalist. class analysis. The opportunity of the war to turn their guns on their "own" rul- ing class, and turn the imperialist wut teen million Russians mobilised, two and a haif millien were killed. and another three million taken prisoner Most of those conscripted for the ar- the opportunist and plundering Joreign lands, the cager- ness to head off the revolutionar: crush democracy within cach country! tho unge to deccive, divide and crush uf the producrive forces, aul warring Imperialists fought to rediide che against the wage alaves of anuther nu catastrophe by any terms. Our of fif worker in the service of the bosses should be exploited by the workers [nder: these conditions, cite the wage slaves ol Second International. into a civil war ing of the war. August 1914, SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 4 November/December 1997 osi thc two issues which not erco the much s de Tsar. They began to enter aflicers of the sovict werc also lessons ot 1905 proved a vital source of confirmation of Trotiky's waring nf The demands were for an cod to the Tsu's imporition nf martial law on Poland, and against the coert-martial muteers an the Kronstadı forires A live-day strike brouglit total victory for the workers most blinkered cranmist muld have This politicisation nf rhe sarking class alarmed the Eberal bourgepie ay swing buck behind Lhe governen, creating conditions for a new stace nsed: Tomsky was elected in his place. On 2:3 Decorber be, and thie sovict and in Sr Petershurg were left isolated from prasant support and mnse of the army; they were ruthicssly fionary tnovcmucnl as well as a telling In the dack year of maction from 1907-1910 che Bolheviks and thr workers" moverent had to bartle agunsr the deleatist and opporrunist pressures winl a fresh rovival of the •Every month saw an increase in the Strength of the labour moverenr. Bur this movement was now growing under condituns cotely different loping on the basis of the experiences The revival by 1912 enabled the Bolsbeviks to lanch Procda as a daily newspaper, sustaincd by, and leading. showed the power of the movement. hundred thousand workers brought St. Petersburg to a arrested Uprisings led hy.thc Moscon strength to sustain und arra tie revolu: class stroggle hegan, as desenbed by ment grew befor 1903, Il wis deve Nt rhe end of Sovember the prisa denr af the Peirograd soviet was ar from those in wluch te labour move claimed were trade unin concerns. Bolshevik and rompanion ro Ticnin; political strike of one 'in January 1905 a he Timirations af paper-liberiy" sections of the working class • Nadezhda Kripskava, a The experiences and standstill ol the 1905 revolurion.? and esculen bE crackdown. represent -
Scarcely a singic leading Bolshevik supported Lenin on any of diese ques- ing A permanent end to the war it is question of dual puwer by establishing is own dictatorship, he argued. The rising clamour for an end to the war could only be saristied if the capiralists democratic peace, one that is not un- posed by force, witliour destroving the power of rapiulisms. In order to br- by socialist riolation with the working class taking the lead in resolving the escorial that the proletariat and their stare were toppled *lL i impossible Nº dorse this in goneral order no. 1, all troop movements in Petrograd, Ir The workers were the next to work without pay increases and an eight-hour day. They stayed on strike another twenly days after the soviet the right of army units to elect their own officers. Under pressure, and against their own wishes, the soviet leaders were obliged to agree and en- which also asserted soviet control over challenge the line of the provisional guvernment, relusing to P setting up at the Tauride palace, transport halted and school students The women workers - in their ac- groups — also played a key role in February the first company of troops mutinied and shot their commander. They swiftly approached other bar- racks, and began m disarm police, distribute arms and free jailed political prisoners, The same day saw che Petrogad soviet formed once again, fions far ahead of most revolutionary and breaking resistance of the troops.
an unalterable law that'a party crisis is The fundamental instrument of proletariah revolution is the party. On 1917 to February 1918 — and on the basis of the supplementary exponence in Finland; Hungary, Italy, Bulgaria and Germany, we can posit as almust Inevirable in the transition from the tions, though his views echoed the carlier analysis of Trotsky in 1905. Only the day before, led by Stalin and Kamenev, an all-Russian Bolshevik congress, bad endorsed a quite op- The party had to be won over at the eleventh hour. This is no historical ex- the basis of our experience — even raking only onc yoar, from February Trotsky later explained: The Bolshevik forces, however, some merely tail-ended events; others appeared on the ultra- uprising: Marters worsened with the Kamenev, who immediarcly took over had urged them to roturn tu work, for- cing the sovier to negotiate with the emplovers on their beball, and winn- veered towards a defencist position on democratic revolution and proletariat would have to take the leadership of the *Trotsky argued that the left, calling for an immodiate were seriously disorientated. The Bashevik ing their demands. ul a revival of them to take power, they would not do The workers and soldiers controlled Petrugrad, holding the state hank, the The soviet leadership was at this stage firmly in the hands of the Men. sheviks and (peasant-based) Social Revolutionaries, bur the editorship of the new daily paper Izuestive went to a Unable to mobilise forces to containi the Petrograd rebellion, and begged by his generals to abdicare, the Tsar did so on 2 March. The Menshevikr and the capitalist Kadet party were and even more learful of the awakening working class. Though the workers and soldiers called upon Bolshevik, Bonch-Bruevich still both terrified
ference on 44 April, the majority of menibers had swung behind most of nounced the provisional government capitalists", it called for working class power in the belligerent countries as war, and the preparatory revolurionary activity ro Lenin was able however to rely on workers and soldiers in his campaign the time ol' the nexr all-Russian con- The successhal resolution opposed as a government uf landowners and the immediate struggle for power! support from rank and file Balshevik to reverse the leadership's policy. By union with the Mensheviks and de delegates representing (Lessons p/ October) his positions. war. Instead it appealed for the provi- Tempt to induce the warring countries to open immicdiate negotiations," pro- mising that tuntil then every man re- contral of Prazur The paper promprly dropped the line of opposition to the carry it through as part of key to the events of 1917 the socialist revolution - his theory of permanent revolution was to be the government to make mains at his fighting post March 6 was to insisr: Tenin's telegram government which included the Social Tastead they meekly sought freedom for political parties and an clected con- It was on this feeble basis that the leaders of the soviet gave their en- dorsement to a bourgeois provisional Revolutionary Kenensky as minister The contradictions were glaring: the Sh's main base was the only the soviet was recognised as the Yet the Menshevik and Social Revolutionary Icaders of the sover promptly dropped all of the demands for which workers had been fighting — the cight hour day, land treasury, the mint and the post office: the republic. stituent assemhly
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK to 4 November/December 1987 destabilised — and restructured with Bolsheviks began ro raise the slogan of and his call for the party to change its demonstrations in Petrograd in April General Korniloy wanted to mobilise workers: but the soviet asserted its authority under general order no. 1 to governnent was Lenin however lost on his demand wald grouping of social demnerats, exposed again the precarious baluce of dual power between the soviet and for a broak from the pacitist Zimmer name to the Communist Party. all power to the soviets armoured vellicles The provisional line: in many arcas the two parties of socialist revolution He went un to fighr for this line on the central com- mittee, spelling out his views in the I'he democratic gains of February could only be defended and completed suspect Kerensky especially: duma: no rapprochment with ochcr This was ignored: the Bolshevik line became under Stalin less and less disringuishable from the Menshevik his first words were of the imminence Our metic: absolute lack of con fidence; no support to the new govern- immediare clections to the Petrograd When Lenin returned on April 3, pamphlet, the April Theres: began operating as one. their own aims. They could not move forward at all without knocking into This began quickly, when milirant soldiers marched to the soviet deman- ding support for political rights - and by themseives, Monsheviks rested on workers' votes, they lined up with the cmployers, votes at the soviet were carr against In voting lor such leaders, the pro- letarians and peasantry erecled a par- tition wall betwcen theniselves and peasantry. yet thoy made a coalition with the landlonds, and while the Only fifteen out of mine hundred rather than take power in their hands. the provisional government, Trotsky pointed out: knocking it over. 22
of the revolucion which was possible in "This slogan is no longer correct, for ice up to the time when actual power it does not lake into account thar power has changed hands and that the the Let us garher fores, roorganise them, and resolutely prepare for the armed uprising, if the course of thr The aim of the insurrection can only be ro transfer passed into the hands of the military revulution has in fact been completely crisis permit it on 4 really mass, power to the proletariat, supported by April, May. June and up to_July 5:9 SRs and country-wide scale... by the Mensheviks.. demonstrators and declared "good rid- agriculture, Chernov, came out to the resigned that afternoon, only to be foresralled by the soviet executive. gave them a vote of frightened ministers turned out to be dance to the Kaders who had left the government, he was greeted with According to the French un- who refused to accept their resigna- dready marching to: Petrograd - to anger Take the ported one when bassador, the government actually minister join the demonstration! SR When the confidence! and rion, six socialist ministers, including top alongside the steadily gained ground unionisation, lactory committees and Ar the first all-Russian congress of soviets, 1,000 delegares represented Lets than twenty per cent of delegates were Bolsheviks, though the party was promisers was exposed to ridicule on 24 June, when the Bolsheviks intervened in a demonstration called by the con- and the vast magori- the over 20 million workers and soldiers. The reactionary line of the com- and June, strike action continued to grow, this. rapidly winning support. Menshevik Treretelli, Against May gross of soviets. thruughout Bolsheviks capiralises:
treme right of the officer corps under Gencral Kornilov to carry through a government which finally cabled the Bolsheviks to break out of their the poor peasans, with a view to put- ring our parry programme into effect." A sign thar despite che witch-hunt converted by Kerensky to consolidate his coalition military coup againsr the soviets and the Bolshevike me gathering forces, came carly in August when 100,000 Bolshevik calls for a strike on the day But i was the alterapts of the ex- of a 'state conference' with the capitalists The state, meanwhile, still had reserves of repressive strength, and the compromisers were still determin- demonstration came to an end, on Bolshevik advice; bur carly next mor- picked from the most reacrionary •the war was a catastrophe Russians mobilised, two — out of fifteen million and a half million were ning the first reliable troops, prevent revolution: bold Bolshevik demands down with the ten capitalist ministers!" down with the But the forces of counter-relation Militant factories were closed down; sions at the front were disbanded for disobedience: and top army officers. protected by the capitalis Kadets and funded by bankers and allied em- bassies, began to prepare for a On 2 July, lour Kadel ministets pulled out of the provisional govern- ment elaiming that the socialist" ministers would not act against the were also attempting to mobilise: union members were locked out; divi alfensive!" "all power to the sovices!" Banners carried the banners
eden bloc on August 26, leaving him who demanded thar the provisional should surrender all Guards, a rival to the armed forces of workers developed their own sevle of Kerensky's fellow ministers resign- The workers, however, moved swiltly This was the peried of rapid growth of the militia forces of the Rod die capitalist state — and tramed by militant soldiers. The Red Guards un- nounced that thry could mobilise 10,000 workers with rifles to combat and telegraph power to him as commander in chief lo prepare their owa armed Komilov, with Karnilow's threats. of the militia government confronted workers - to the delight of the The trops had been fed on a dict of Bolsheviks as the counter-revolution hes alleging Lenin to be a German spy. This was to prove the start of a the events of the February on strike on international workers who walked out women's day, triggering *it was women textile revolution' compromises. The workers and soliders for their part, were pushing forward but ar beginning of July saw the Bolsheviks struggling in vain to restrain the spon- masses, who had developed far faster than workers in the provinces or the troops at the front. Bolshevik Teaders cuuld give the government an excuse However, when the workers of the soldiers of the an uneven pace The end of lune and tancous militancy of the Petrograd leared that a prémature confruncation for a crackdown in which Petrograd machine gun regiment voted solidly for an armed demonstration on 3 July, the Bolsheviks had no choice but to Putilov works and could be inclared
23 from even Kornilor's. workers control, brilliantly sabotag- ing Kornilov's troop movements and communications. Workers fraternised their bilicers, and The episode ended when Kerensky: "arrested" Kornilor to save him from a squad. These brought the Bolsheviks back to the foretront; they had on- couraged new lavers of workers to arm and organise themselves, and they had totally discredited the compromising leaders of the provisional government, who were seen as having opened the holding mass mectings. door for Komily began arresting was a slogan for peacetul development: Bolshevik newspapers wor suppress- the German spy line relentlessly to Hropped the slogan of all power to the Bolshevik Parry in completing the Lenin was forced into hiding On ed. The Mensheviks and SRs peddled capitalist ministers and to back the Since these same parties were still leading the soviets, Lenin on July 10 soviets, and reemphasised the leading role of the working class and of the 'The slogan all power to the soviets! revolutionary struggic: 10. July, Trotsky SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 4 Novembw/December 1987 provisional government and the ex- in the Tauride palace. Their demands: lend support. The march went to the ecutive of the soviet, both of which sat While the Mensheviks and SRs prevaricated, hoping that loyal troops them from the workers, the Kronstadt decided to march to Petrograd the 'Loyal' army units called in by che capitalist ministers, all power to the soviets, a balt to the offensive, con- fiscation of bourgeois newspapers and printing plants, narionalisation of the would retum from the front to rescue soldiers and sailors just down the river land and state control of production. removal of the next day.
helped this process along, when they up a committee of revail- insurrection - now the Mensheviks: tention to the practical questions i- tobary defence, mupposedly to pro- organisation of the Soviet to lead the themselves had proposed to set up a The cerural commince met an Oe- on party organisations to turn their al- in idleness, the workers insisten rhat The soldiers in return campaigned tect the capiral against the advancing To their surprise the Bolsheviks ac- cepted the proposal thcy had often dace. Hemoved a resnlution calling volved in the armed insurrechon: On- Lenin had until this ponst been isolared on the question of insur- suggested to the soviet a resolution for tober 10, with Dicin secretly in atten for the workers to be armed. The com- body that could do just that! ly Kamener German army. N stepped up their Workers in the armaments factories methods of transition from munitions The Moscuw conference of factory future all strikes should be settled by a more of the most hated officers were agitation throughoul the country: the question was increasingly starkly pos- established a special centre to study manulacture to peacelul production: and shop committees declared that in establishing soviet power over the local soviet. ed — which class was to rule? arrested or mundered The Bolsheviks decree of the October! Ho was reduced to a directorate of Bolshevik: central commirree urging the leadership to prepare the scizure of power. While the objective conditions "The point is to make the task clear tu the party. The present task must be Moscow (with its region), the scizing an overthrow of the The vanguard of the working class Bolsheviks, as demonerrated by their from his own social revolutionary par- ROCKED BY thr failed Kornilov ment had collapsed Worse from his point of view was the new insistence ty that he should not lead amorher had not existed in Jaly. die situation an armed uprising in Petrograd and five. Meantime from his hiding place, revolt, Kerensky's provisional govern- Lenin wrute iwo letters had changed in September: guvertirnent."
Lenin pressed a new resolution call-: ing "all organisations and all workers roctory now the leadership had swing but this proved possible On O- Kamoney and Zanoview again opposed It was carried by twenty The same meeting set October 15 us cubes to al Lenin's insistenon, the while Krylenko argued that it was stil too soon to set a date because events were still developing lavourably apd and soldiere to an all-sider and most vigorous preparation of armied insur- The next day, the soviet executive the target date for the msurrection. fixing any darr for the insurrecticin. votes to the two of Kamener Zinovier, with three abstentions. 'the shing is already begun the executive of the all-Russian soviet ference, wich in turn voted to set up a dominant positions in the main soviets cities): a revolutionary upsurge was tryside; the once united "allics were now wavering between a war to the Wetorious finish and u separate pence bourgeuisie, under the pressure of the The Menshevikk and SRs, however, still fought tooth and nail to hold back developments. Through their hold on new talking shop, known as the pre- parliament. Meanwhile, fearing that the Bolsheviks could win a clear ma- jority, they postponed the already overdue recall all Russian congress of aimed against Russiat while the petty Moscow, Kiev, Odessa, and other key (they had won control in Petrogad, masses, had hegun to move polirically. convened a democratio developing throughmir
Perrogar soviet (thc Bolshevik lisr of usefully employed by the Holsheviks in: same day. Kamenes and Zinovier ranks and denounced the Bolshevik plans in the non-party: SOCIALIST OUTLOOK and Novamber/December 1987 prepaning the msurrertion: but on the committee — appalled by the massive Bolsheviks in the candidates won 443 votes, to the left ing of the congress Of soviets, to Oc- These five exca dave were to be Though Tenin branded them strike-breakers of the revolution and demanded their expulsion, the central revolutionary defence (now renamed the military revolutionary committee) bad gone about its work with a will. selling up departments of clefence. celligence, One regiment after another again postponed the open- SRA 162 and a mere 11 for the Meh supplies, communications committee would nor agree victory of the Day by day the rival government of the soviers grew, strengthened as sabotage the war effort in an attempt to discredit the revolution — only to be usurped by factory committees which stepped in and cook control of government issued an order for the Ignoring the capitalist accusations thar the Petrograd soldiers had grown far The cnormous growth of support for the Bolsheviks, and their success in convene the congress of soviets for Oc- rober 20 made Lenin even more impa- reurgunisation of the Petrograd gar- rison units in preparation for a new began themseives tient to begin the insurrection. Events leapt forward forcing the executive exiles and the underground Nadhezhada organiser of between the Krupskaya, pre parliament, winning the support ed from jail and reelected president of cries from the Mensheviks about Ger- *They (the Bolsheviks) spoke and acted like people feeling a power behind them, knowing that the mor- The Baltic feet in the meanrime sent a telegram to the central ex- ccutive committee calling for toc removal of Kerensky, and began holding up the movement of govern- A similar state of affairs was also fraternisation began again alter the witch-hunting of July, and more and Lenin argued for a boycott of die of Trotsky, who had now been releas the Petrograd soviet - this time: asca Bolshevik, He led the Bolshevik fac- Lion out of the pre-parliament amid . But the Kadet Miliukov developing within the army, where now belonged to them. ment freight.
exile and took over control of Pravdo its line became less and less distinguishable from that of the Mensheviks Stalin - when he and Kamenev returned from Trotsky as Saint George slaying A poster by Victor Deni depicts the counterrevolutionary U dragon
25 SOCIALIST OUTLOOK sot Novatie:/December 1997 The satirical magazine Red Pepper introduces its readers to the Soviet United football team
hands of the organ of the and soldiers" deputies, the military revolu- monary committee, which sands at the head of the Perrograd proletariat *The cause for which the people were fighting, immediate propusal of a Petrograd anvict of workers' and garrison. Petrogran into the
of landlord property rights over the land; labour control over production; crea- - that Lause is securcly achieved. Long live the of serimen soldiers and By the early hours of October 26. the winter palace had surrendered and of the provisional Kerensky was not atongst them: he loyal" government worr placed under arrest troops to rescue the compromisers: abolition Bad fed in order to bring tion ol a sovier government peace. the ministers democratic peasants ' resolution rhe.
which was power to the soviets. Only the left SRA were prepared to join the governnient on this: basis. — and the Bolsheviks welcomed them into the council nE muster, und the rest of Russia had to But whatever material and political problems later beset che revolution. the conquest ol power by the armed party stands as a toming pomr in history; This was, and 30 years later no 4 November/December T097 26, the pracsidium of the congress of soviets, headed by Lenin, came in to the congress, greeted by thunderous the "We shall now procced to construct He wenr on to outline che soviet indemnities. and the right of peopics He then read oot the proclamation: to the peoples and governments of all All private owncrship of land was were transferred to land committees and peasants" soviets. The land decree was debared and passed wich only onc class vanguard had honuured its commit- ment to the agrarian revolution, and The Bubbeyiks made cicar they were prepared to share power with any socialist party which was prepared to accept the legitimare transfer of the Now it had to be defended against could be won over to the revolution. This was the daunting task chat confronted rhe Bolsheviks on the third day of che working class and its revolutionary At 8.40 in the evening of October rostrum, and when the cheering had no annexations, no The capital had been conquered alopted unanimously by the congress Next Lenini read the doctro on land the peasant delegates were overjoyed mounted the working Kerensky died down he announced: still is, our revolution • to self-derermination. people's commissars, Lemn i the socialist ander!" lorces on this: basis. - the belligerent abolished, all terms for peace SOCIALIST OUTLOOK whatever applause. the elections for the presiding council saw the Bolsheviks win fourteen seats to the SRs seven. the Mensheviks three and the Interna- were a minority: the compromisers denounced the Bolsheviks and march- Jolt Reed, the American journalist Bolsheviks: standing up with a pale, cruel face, letting our his rich voice in cool so called socialist compromisers, these frighten- ed Mensheviks, social revolutionaries. Bund — let them go! They are just so much refuse which will be swept away Papers appeared on the streets car- rying the proclamation of the military deposed. The state puwer has passed the winter palace. still in permanent session, were cut peasants" deputies eventually opened at 10.40pm everyching had gone ac- cording to plan except that the winter palace had still not fallen — and the Merisheviks and SRy railed agamst the finalists only one. Seeing that they vehicles, The insurrectinnary forces In the carly bours of October 25, Red Guard detachments occupied all with hardly a shot fired. Atsoven am where the provisional government was When the scound congress of the all- al the strategic puints in the capital, the telephone exchange fell, and com into the garbage heap of history. "To the citizens nf Russia! ed angrily uut of the soviet these were now ready for action. Bulsheviks for attacking ir the describes Trorsky: "All. Petrograd soviet: munications to i sympathetic contempt. with the weight of the garrison. Ir is: ching the insurrection, when it dispat- troops to close down the Bolsheviks printiug press and shut off phone to the Smolny institute: which was headquarters to the soviet as will as the Bolthevik party: The gunners and armoured The prolonged period of dual power soviets, The provisional government On Oerber 21. the Petrograd gar- Russian congress of soviets to "take the power in its bands, and guarantee The next day the Petrograd sovier had called a peacetul review of its forces: Ir was a huge success with every large Hall Olled with workers and soldiers, down with Kerensky! Down with war! All power in the The high command asked for talks with the military revolutionary com- mittee: the committee agreed — in enemy's headquarters, bur warned Trocky pointed nur that in this period the military revolutionary com- millee was crowding out the govern- ment with the pressure of the masses, Ir is advancing its positions withour It was the provision government itself which gave the pretext for laun- responded by fortifying Smolny with was placing itself under the commit- tee's command, refusing tu go to the was giving way to the power of the ron conference called on ibe all- as represen caking all that it can without a battle. found itself more and more isolated to the peuple peace, lud and broad" ratives of the soviet, are inviolable'. with ever fewer dependable troops. front unless ordered by the soviet. that the conmissars; Petrogra DAVID KING for the use of photographs collection. Thanks to from his Guards from the A patrol of Red 26
really going on behind the rhetoric of glamost and MACDONALD asks 'should socialists support perestrika? In a challenging article OLIVER Gorbachev and the left Gorbachevism against Brezhnevism?* USS R There was a time when the bourgeois press would contrast the gerontocracy in the Sovier Union with the apparent dynamism ofthe West. Now it looks a lot like the other way round. But what is
Dani Doran DaHles should socialists support 'Gorbachevism' against Mikhail