liberation movement. A liberation struggle BRIAN HERON argues that the congress recognised the leading A new stage in the contradictory currents in the trade unions have emerged in the The recent South African miners' strike demonstrated that the few weeks before the strike began, he Confederation of South role of the working class in the struggle against the apartheid regime, and that the adoption by COSATU of the Freedom African Trade Unions (COSATU) held its second congress. Charter should be understood within this context. But SOCIALISE OUTLOOK no 2 September/Oclober 1937 process.
been Moses COSATUs second largesr affiliate, NUNSA, Significantly, Mavekiso was arrestod for his role in the Alexandra rownship committee. The United Democratic Front has bad 25 of its exemutive office bearers delained. Many of the most the mass rent strikes continur ar a much lower level of co- socrerary goaled (the most important being have members). affiliates gencral electively paralysed and ПОМ UDI 136,000 important ordination. Mayckisa, withi
In fact it is the trade union movement that has had the only substantial break through against the state of emergency, SARHWU'S victory against the South African Transport Services in June, after a bitter strike, was a remarkahle rxample of the health of the even after 14 months of state movement тергеяною.
Moit prominent in the press coverage of any case, haviny a largely cosmetic rule, al International big business with apartheid Many had believed that the sanctions THE TRADE union movemeni's bedruck of movement. A general retrear hy the popular movement but a tougher resistance in the case of the COSAT unions set the scene for the COSTU congeeas." It wae from thar The answers given mark a new stage in the tbe congress's decisions was the resolution taken on sanctions, Goncern was expressed bout sanctions taking a more prolonged characzer than initially envisaged and, in serving to disguise the continued complicily while at the same tine direatening black urgunisation and relative social homogeneity has forood it into first place in the liberaron point of view that the congress addressed all ideological marurity of the South African the main issues of the liberation struggle. workers hard won employment rights. revolution
furlier commit nurselves so the principle nt SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 1 Septambar/Delober 1967 COst's priori los fir Innersational To cosure don the corial weal of South Not denous the property ot thr poople ut South Africa for the benetir of all — at guernational working class solidarity artion aberations Our victory will be der seas of union anil Siard leaders The This sen isolarion also makes rest where as the those powerful Torn ol solidarity A major srep was taken diso Di Namittl currente on scrike, despite the hombings struggle for beatings and, most recenty: enon against apartieid: Gold mine, Roodepoort, near Johannesburg nobice of beir omention to pall out of South: contral over investment, business visits auc Therefor the resolution save COSVIL must "ensure that where disins estmear takes place Africaso chai hona fide negotiations can take comprehen and mandatory sam fions" *Disinvesment as is cutene camped out br nothing more than corpotan ormpagage which piten allows thron companies increase their support for the regime und all d dated dinars companies most give cost But a minton on Theretere class and its allies in the struggle; sanctions bring about *The organised working class in South Africa have not had control of sanctions was part of a short term Instead there appeared to be un increasing cuts to South African capital. In thar regard *Sanctions and disinvestment have become form nf international pressure applied will not be effective against capital or the state, they can cause scrious regional unemployment and they often serve the interests of the imperialist states rarber than without the participation of the working perspective for the overrhrow of apartheid price to be paid by black workers throngh a long drawn our process ol international pressure, followed by disinvestinent and sell- *selective sanctions packages as currently COSATU avoided an uncritical approach, which was embraced widely in 1984/5, against the South African racist regime:" the South African working class." by themselves will fundamental change. But they added,
and social transformation of our socicty to a democraric socialist society controlled by This view is reinforced later in the same democracy and workers control, 15 of para: gle for national liberasion, true libcrasion can ony be achieved through an economic 'Point 6. Workeis in our country are not muries, factories, shops and farms bur also for 'Thete is no conllict berween the struggle The struggle against namnal oppression and the 4gaumst capirahst exploitation anc complimentary to each other and part of an "L DOSATE adopts the Freedom Charter an a guiding document which reflects the views and aspirations of the majority of rhe oppres- ed and exploited in our struggle against na- amongst all workers a colcient working class Point 5. While we are involved in a strug tonal oppression and coonumic exploitation. uninterrupted struggle for toral liberation." serve the interests of the working class. Int national liberation and socialism. only striving for better conditions In the same resolation it is stated. mount importance in our struggle. develops nad the working class struggle The implication is clear: the decision at plies Its analysis, accusing the leadership of more concerned with protecing file. This sorry state of affairs has come In a separate article, Secialiar Worker ap- the most democratic umon in South Africa, bion to maintai given that the general the second congress, to adopt the Freedom NUMSA, of being like their counterparts in the union itself than supporting the rank and about through the NUMSA's leadership hay- ing illusions in legality" a difficult conten- secretary was elected while in goal facing rion of the Freedom Charter by COSAEUP li followed acceptance of the charter by in- dividual affillates. including the NUM and SOUTHAFRIC NUMSA, in the run up to the congress, What should we make then of the adop Charter, was a step backwards file Philippines, Angola and many orher parts of miners are fighting for an increase in their 30p an hour wage rates British baser BP and Consolidated Goldfields are the employers,? with Namibian trade unionists to establish a Namibian muctalworkers union. Today thc South African trade union movement is taking the lead on work for Namibian preparodness to take solidarity action if the National Union of Namibian Workers or any of its affiliates come under atrack from the interim puppet administration or its South African masters.? This makes 00sAyL, formally, the most advanced organisarion in South Africa on the issue of solidarity with the Namibian be determined to give a lead more generally in Organisation of African Trade Unions, the anti-imperialist struggles fought by the working class ... in Nicaragua, FF Salvador, the world. Our struggle against apartheid and exploration is also a struggle against Ar the same time, COSATU reaffirmed its upposition to joining either of the two international trade union federations which continuc to splin the world trade union the Te has decided to join and Farly in the year NUMSA worked independence. COSALU declarod its imperialism and neo-colonialism. Moscow DATE, explaing it is part of Similarly, COSTU rither. the employers, between capiralist went. working class opposition movement pcople.
oppression as women and that black women: are further discriminated against on the basis On other questions, CORATU took a real programmatic lead. Acresolution on the organisation of domestic workers into a new perience both exploitation as workers and of race. It concludes with the necessity tu encourage all locals and other COSATU structures to involve women workers: in COSATU affiliate begins women workers ex
David LurieiReflex Working in an asbestos factory - note the lack of safety precautions uncmployed workers cmon. NUWCe. Until goneral and domestic workers in particular to take an active involvement in the flairs Similarly, a major new stop was taken regarding the unemployed. Unemploymenr is now running at an estimated 25 per cent among blacks COSATE has helped set up an the union has Been esrablished where and direction of COST
undersranding of the demands of the Freedom Charter and encourages the fullest and democracy Contrary: to the rlaims nf Socials Worker. rhere was no sharp contrast with the talk of for socialism at the federation's In fact, the political The nearest i came was a relerence lo the Therefore one level (and only at one lovel) the new rosolarion represeats an immense politicisation of the trade union movement in other dimensions to the story which Jocals resulation of 1985 did not mention socialism. the intervening period. There aro, however discussion on sncialismo amongst all progressive foundation in 1985" Te is an explicit part of the discussion that the Freedom Charter is nor a socialist docu- ment. ' Nevertheless, differcor organisations Point 3. The struggle against national op- pression is insparabir from the struggle Indeed, most of the liberation movement bas come under the charter's umbrella, with the place die chatter into diflerent contexti The the NEM resolarion to congress within which 'Pout 4. The unity of the working class. based on the principles of non-racialism. contex for COSATI was provided pardy by UpF announcing it support on its fourth an the proposal to adopt the charter appeared This resolution includes the following: niversary, 20 August this veut.!! against capitalist esploitation groups of unemplayed have organised that jourmals like the British Sacraft Worker Socialin Worker said that the left in COSATU had suffered a scrious blow with the adop- themselves, they (are to) be given observor status with full speaking rights in all casant! WEET THIS RECORD it is perhaps surprising register such dismay? when they report the the Freedom Charter is the ideological busis for the federation', It goes on, the Freedom Charter save norhine about workore rights 1t is not a socialist document and its adoption sands in sharp contrast to the talk of fighting for socialism at Seplember Quinher 1967 the federation's foundation in 1985 OF COSATUTS second SOCIALIST OUTIOOK no 3
There are many reasons why the pressure of the SACP and the chartists should be par- downturn and the concomitant collapse of has allowed conditions for the MAcP to define the National Party consensus and defend a negotiared settlement. Under Slabers, that afrikaaners met the AN In Dacca in July: (Such meetings are invitable in a prolonged The general organisation within the democratic struggle was the final clause of the resolurion which the 'victory in the short term' perspective the debate in its own more traditional terms. dinkaaner scctors have fractured away from in South Africa at the present time speaking and, adopted the Frecdom Charter.) ticularly felt ar this time- BOTH ENGLIST SOUTH AFRICA NUMSA tried to uncover the need for lie movement to discuss and prepare a workers' charter around which the workers' goals in the revohitinn could be focussed and which from other social forces on the programmatic and ideolugical level. Ir is perhaps not sur- prising that given the barrage of opposition which we have indicated, the second largest affilar to COSATU could not find a seconder The first consequence of the atmosphere produced by hear developments was ob- vious before the congress mer. For some. the adoption of the Freedom Charter gave an idcological cdge to the basis for the trade "Thus linkages created do not take the lorm for its resolution in the congress. safeguard the workers' union movement's alliances. P The congress had guest speakers from the These speeches were ah- solutcly explicit in what was not required from congress. Here are some remarks from whether or not the workers in COSATU must adopt the policical direction set our in the Freedom Charter or lollow what is called the While we find this debate important we also find it very ' 1) The working class charter does not yet Bur will people discuss whether or not to SAYCO, its recently organised *This dehare revolves around the question cxisr. Ir is still a myth as to what it contains. queer for the following reasons. working class programic. the SAYCO representative. Worker enrirely misses: vouch affiliate. UDE ind
struggle of the sort that the ANC is involved with and there was nothing published abou of the relationship between Unity Movernent and COSATU or NIM for thar marrer; but they are linkages brtween basic organs of mass activism which are indispensible for our struggle as we move to an alternative socicty. Members of the Unity Movement or AZANO or any other obscure organisation are Interview, Cyril car a political level the Freedom Charter has been adopted as a guiding docurnent and if there is an organisation which is violently upposed to the principles of the Freedom Charter our momhers would find it very dil- as a progressive organisation with which they could get into not hanned from participating in the strug Ramaphosa, the bead of the NUM, said, Earlier in the same to regard thar ales of our people. The guidelines lor the political direction of Communis Party, breaking at Limes into "2) The idea of the workers' charter has got no origin in any known democratic struc- ture. All indications show that it is the result of a very secret raucus nor accountable to any democratic structure both underground COSATU were laid down firmly by the delega- Lion that men with the ANC last year, which through the COSAT general secretary com- ship of the ANd in the present phase of our About hall of the SAYCO speakers's speech was made up of praise for the South Airican rade Jay Naiduo acknowlodged the leader- The speaker from SAYOO proclaimed revolutionary development." and above board.
the Dacca mecting which would indicate thae the ANC budged Irm its position for the revnlutinnary nationalist overthrow of the apartheid regime rather than a negoriated Inevitably, however, in the context of the Some are tempred by rhese facts to claim that cOsTu has become dominated by the line of the SACP and its supporters. Ar this stage yuch a claim would be false. The actual mechanics of the decision making reveal no There were no vast layers of support for the SACP as such. Rather, a strong link was con- was not the unrealisable cake-over of COSTL but rather the isolation of the 'workers" charter" posi- tion. This they effectively achieved. NUMSA viously very well prepared and organised! largest delegation at the congress, the NUM. will now have to struggle hard for legitimacy in the wider movement for their position structed between the 'charrists' "coup. (although the "chartists" The aim of this alliance but do (already) have a political party of astonishing named attacks on some of its The workers of South Africa do not need their own and that consistently and correctly ands for the national democratic rights and ing it very plain that it would be a great error There could be no doubt about the message. The problem" that bad given immediate rise to these stern strictures from the South African Communist Party and its various SACTIO sent a relemessage to the congress, congranularing COSATU on its role but mak- to adopt any sort of socialist programme. allies was the resolution adopted at the foun- relatively obscure enemies on the lelt. No prizes for guessing which! socialist rights of our people.
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 3 Septombed/Ocrober 1987 socialist demands and raising the question: downturn, this meeting was invested with strategic signilicance, and not just by the world's press. Ir seemed important to some South African leaders to detatch any socialist objectvey Iron democratic ones and that such in approach opened the door ro an alliance with sectors of the white ruling class in Snurh Africa, In rhis light it appeared ing cencre stage in the liberation struggle. em-racing openly a transitional type pror including both democratic and Less important in the SACT offensive are the various attempts (none of which has significant suppor) to establish a workers' African trade uniun movement, now occupy: double important to prevent die which class is to rule? workers take their rightful leading posinion of Further evidence that the SACP did not ger Most explicit is the rejection of the open ap- peal made by a guest speaker for COSATU t -We urge that the workers as a sector should build together with other sectors such as become the first phase of building national unity against apartheid and imperialism. This request should be a conscious decision of COSATU which must ensure thar the COSATL ovinissly fel it had already taken its rightful position. 'COSTUmust remain in- dependent anu nur adiliate to any polinical everything its own way is not hard to find United Democratic Front which women, pesidents. elc., take its righrfil place in the UDE the national polities. (sic) ding conference of NUMS on 25 May. Like he NUM, i had submitted its resolution to the COSTU congrees. This reschition!? also cadled for the adoption of the Fredom Charter: the Freedom Charter is also a good foundacion stone on which to start bunding our working rass programme? The dif ference in approach to the NUM's resolution the organised working class can only take gramme and ais which clarily exactly what is wanted by the working class and whar is should discuss the proposed content of this workers political programme. Not content 10 with general statements about socialism; the lead in the struggle if ir has a clear pro: NUMsA decided that: all union was in one important respect: marant by their demands.
time of destiny. Verse hardbark +29.95, pb Martin Murdy, South Africar time of agorv, CHARLIE VAN GELDEREN