Korean workers battle for unions
By Paul Field After decades of fierce repression by a military dictatorship subordinate to the whims of US imperialism, June 1987 saw up to five million people take to the streets of South Korea almost daily, to take part in simultaneous nationwide rallies demanding democracy.
The People's June 10 rally took place in 21 areas across South Korea; the People's March on June 26 spread to 33 cities and four coun ties nationwide. The size, strength and militancy of the demonstrations, together with pressure from the USA (which consoled itself with the knowledge that the only opposition party capable of defeating President Chun was also pro-American and conservative) forced the regime to make a number of limited concessions.
The supposed reforms contained in a June 29 declaration included "freedom of the press" and improvements in basic human rights" But they failed to materialise in the months and years that followed.
Recent events have shown that the system still remains brutally oppressive and authoritarian by westem bourgeois democratic standards, with a right wing coalition in parliament blocking even any minimal form of opposition.
The July 1987 strike wave
Nevertheless, the apparent concessions on democratisation increased people's confidence and created the right political atmosphere for the workers to begin a determined fight for improved wages and working conditions.
In July and August, more than three million workers took strike action in over 3,400 factories across Korea, demanding improved conditions and the organisation of an independent democratic trade union. An average of 44 new strikes took place per day (776 on the single day of August 281987), compared to an average of just 0.76 per day in 1986.
At the height of the action, tens of thousands of workers armed with molotov cocktails, safety helmets and heavy vehicles broke through barricades set up by the authorities, and overcame the vicious suppression of heavily-armed riot police.
This strike wave was inspired by the ap palling labour conditions - which consist of wages far below the minimum living cost; the longest working hours in the world; and an extremely high rate of industrial accidents and occupational sickness. Workers still work a 55-hour week, and face four fatal accidents a day due to dangerous machinery and physical fatigue. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 27, October 1990
UNIONS IN STRUGGLE The Democratic Union Movement About 1,000 inde- pendent democratic formed unions were during the course of the strikes. Their very forma- tion represented a qualita- in tive development workers" consciousness: the recognition that at times of militant activity the existing management- controlled 'yellow' unions would be an obstacle in their struggle. Common features of the new unions as they have developed since 1987 have been a high internal level of democracy. more inde- pendence of their leaders from management, and a greater emphasis on politi. cal objectives, especially the reform of the state's anti-union laws. The fact that these unions have continued to grow despite the most brutal state repression reflects the courageous determination of grass roots ac- tivists - and to some extent a shift in the balance of forces since 1987. The repression of the Democratic Unions The reponse of the ruling class to the workers' struggles since 1987 has been the use of hired thugs - the Kusadae ("Save the Company Brigade') - along with closures, lockouts and dismissals. The state has consis- tently encouraged the violent suppression of strikes and picketing and usually dispatches large numbers of riot police in case the Kusadae are overcome by the workers. One example of the kind of orchestrated violence that is often used against democratic unions can be found in the vicious offensive launched against workers at Hyndai Engineer- ing. It began when they struck in February 1988, demanding the release of imprisoned activists, recognition of the leadership of the new union, and the reinstatement of sacked workers. The bosses ordered Kusadae to carry out a violent strikebreaking campaign including physical assaults on strikers and members of their families, and cutting off all supplies of water electricity and food to the occupying
Workers battle for Independent unions workers. The strike was finally smashed by a raid of Backgoldan (specially trained riot police).
Yet just nine months after suffering such violent repression, the Hyndai workers again showed their defiance when 18,000 staged an all-out strike (calling among other things for a reduction of the working week from 54 to 44 hours). The strike lasted four months, until in April 1989 the govemment sent in 70 antistrike units (a total of 14,000 riot policel) to end the dispute.
The level of violence used against Hyndai workers is reflected in every other struggle, with the fiercest conflicts occurring between workers and the management of foreign multi-nationals, where conditions are even worse than in Korean companies.
When Tandy Computers refused to recognise their new union, workers struck, took the Director hostage and attacked the US Chamber of Commerce. Driven to desperation, workers at another US-owned firm, Motorola Korea, doused themselves in petrol and threatened to immolate themselves if police intervened to break the strike. The Kusadae flicked a lighted match onto one of the union leaders as an example of what would happen if they did not disperse.
Accusations that union activists are under
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the influence of North Korean agents has only increased the growing politicisation of the Democratic Union Movement, with demands for reunification of Korea and democracy appearing more frequently alongside demands for better wages and improved conditions. Assault on the Teachers' Union
A particular target for the state, because it represents the Democratic Union Movement's growing support among white collar and professional workers, is the recently-established but currently illegal Chunkyojo, National Teachers' Union. Its formation is a violation of the Public Service Act, which prohibits collective action by public employees. The strength of the NTU could inspire more government workers to organise themselves in democratic unions.
Formed in May 1989, the NTU attracted an initial membership of 21,000 teachers, though this had declined to 14,000 by the end of the year as a result of state harassment. Riot police arrested over a thousand members at the Union's founding conference. Those involved have faced harsh treatment ranging from sackings and physical attacks to arrests (40 leaders by the end of August) and red scare tactics, claiming that they are a procommunist organisation.
For their part, the teachers say pay and conditions are of secondary importance to the educational reforms they want to see enforced. Central to these reforms is the search for 'true education' - an end to the pressurised and competitive system which causes 200 suicides a year among high school students, and an end to the govemment's manipulation of what is taught in schools.
Claiming that the authorities only allow them to teach a single, distorted perspective on Korea's history and current affairs, Chunkyojo says that it rejects 'propaganda education' designed to defend "the vested interests of those in power".
The fight for a new national
Recognising the limited power of single company-based unions to fight against the coordinated reaction of the ruling class and unilateral intervention of the state, the democratic unions began to build regional and occupational alliances.
Local labour movement support organisations, which comprise progressive student, community and church groups, have played an important role in strengthening these local alliances. There are currently 14 regional alliances in South Korea, with offices staffed by ex-students and sacked union activists. These play a vital role in providing support for union activities, training in the organisation of strikes and protests, political education of union members, and providing welfare sup роп.
Despite being forced by the draconian labour code to affiliate to the bureaucratic progoverment Federation of Korean Trade Page 22
UNIONS IN STRUGGLE Unions, there has always been a general acceptance among the Democratic Unions that its subordination to the govemment and capitalist class has acted as a powerful brake on the development of the workers" movement.
important aspect of the union movement's work since 1987 has therefore been to establish a National Independent Union Alliance with the ability to coordinate action on a national basis and - in the words of the Inchon Regional Workers Federation "capable of defending the interests of the toiling masses"
The formation of Chunnohyup
Three years of hard work culminated on January 18 1990 with the historic formation of KAGTU, the Korean Alliance of Genuine Trade Unions, Chunnohyup. Seeing the existence of a national, independent trade union movement for the first time since the 1940s, the state has been stung into a sustained, vicious attack aimed at smothering the new Alliance at birth.
Three days before its formation, Chunnohyup was declared illegal, and Seoul was placed under a state of seige to prevent the inaugural rally from taking place. With over 15,000 police guarding the publicly-disclosed site of the rally (Seoul National University): heavy police surveillance of train and bus stations to prevent regional delegations attending: and a number of union leaders placed under house arrest, it appeared that the government had been successful in sabotaging
However, anticipating large scale state intervention, the Union leaders had secretly organised to hold the rally a day before the offi cial date, at Sung Kyun Kwan University. On the day, 500 delegates, representing some 200,000 workers from all 14 regional alliances attended the conference, which elected a leadership, voted on a number of resolutions, and endorsed a programme of demands. Local riot police - belatedly informed of the new rally site - converged on the meeting, only to be confronted by workers and students who prevented them from entering the University just long enough for the assembly to declare the formation of Chunnohyup. After forcing their way in, the police arrested and injured 136 people.
The anti-union laws
Along with the use of naked violence, the government has implemented a number of repressive laws in an attempt to crush the 600 unions affiliated to KAGTU. The most basic of these, introduced since January, enforces the regular public auditing of union books and financial accounts. In effect, this has meant that the leaders of any union that has decided to join Chunnohyup can be imprisoned for misappropriation of union funds.
Even more sinister is the Orwellian 'National Security Law'. This specifies that anyone who violates the National Principle"
(never defined) and engages in any activity that could conceivably assist the North Korean government and weaken the state (demonstrations, strikes, pickets and public debates) is committing a criminal offence and is liable to prosecution. Formerly used more against students and political activists, with the uptum of the class struggle 100 union militants have been imprisoned.
Simply to call for repeal of the National Security Law is in itself a crime! In addition to all these pieces of anti-union legislation, the government has recently set up a hotline on which any employer can contact the new Riot Police Task Force whenever they need pickets arrested or beaten up.
The May General Strike
The response of the democratic union movement to this violent onslaught has been to defend Chunnohyup through struggle. One leading union activist told me that they were always clear the establishment would move quickly to destroy any independent national union movement.
The first major test came just three months after the formation of KAGTU. On April 25, militant workers at the Hyndai naval shipyard began a sit-in strike in protest at the arrest of union leaders. The government promptly sent in 12,000 riot police by air, sea and land to evict the workers from the yards. In the violent clashes that ensued, 20,000 workers armed with molotov cocktails fought with police - who used bulldozers to break down barricades, and teargas to disperse strikers.
Angered by the level of force used against their brothers, workers in nearby Ulsan staged solidarity strikes and demonstrations every day for a week. Responding to the wave of unrest this triggered, and the widespread sup port for workers on strike at the Korean Broadcasting System, Chunnohyup called a General Strike for May 1.
Relying on its regional structures, KAGTU succeeded in coordinating a General Strike in over 200 factories nationwide, while rallies were held in 14 cities. Their ability to wield influence far beyond Chunnohyup's 300,000 members has sent shock waves through the ruling class.
The government crackdown
Unable to destroy the 600 democratic unions of Chunnohyup, the goverment has sought to cut off its head by arresting 450 of its leading activists, and forcing 100 into hiding since May. The increased confidence and determination of the membership, together with resolute support from students and community groups, have ensured that the union continues to function despite the problems caused by this crackdown.
However in the teeth of the systematic attack by the South Korean state and employers on this vibrant new workers' movement, there remains an urgent necessity for international support and solidarity with Korean workers and KAGTU. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 27, October 1990
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