astern Europe and within the Soviet Union itself.
During 1989 we have editorialised time and again on the crisis of Stalinism: on the struggles of the Chinese masses, brought to such a tragic, if temporary halt by the slaughter of Tienanmen Square; on the Soviet miners strikes and the contradictory developments in Hungary: but the pace of events has been accelerated beyond all predictions by the explosion of mass protest in East Germany, the ousting of the old Honecker leadership, and leading to the breaching of the Berlin Wall. The working class is reaching more clearly than any other not for capitalist solutions but for socialist democracy.
Taking advantage of the opening created by Gorbachevism -the refusal of the Kremlin to intervene militarily on behalf of the East German stalinists or sanction a Tienanmen-style bloodbath in Europe - the East German workers have demonstrated a political commitment to socialist values and internationalism that offers an implicitly revolutionary lead to the whole European workers' movement, east and west. Mass rallies in Leipzig called overwhelmingly not only for the ousting of the old bureaucrats at home, but also for solidarity with the African National Congress and the Nicaraguan revolution.
It is plainly ridiculous to regard the East German workers as in any way rejecting or breaking from'socialism'. To argue this is to suggest that the stone-age stalinist regime of Ceaucescu in Romania or the unyielding elements of the Czechoslovak Communist Party are somehow'socialist", or that there is something innately bourgeois' in workers seeking the right to elect - and remove - their leaders and decide policy for themselves.
In fact, the distaste of many East German workers at the inequalities and ruthless exploitation of West German capitalism -resulting in all but a handful of those who crossed the Wall returning to East Berlin - showed their real longing for socialist, collectivist values, at the same time as their recognition that socialism is far from having been built, after decades of austerity and repression in East Germany.
In this respect the East German movement, in which there is little evidence of pro-capitalist tendencies, appears much more politically developed and class conscious than the Solidarnose SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 20, Dec-Jan 1989-90
leaders in Poland (who are now openly talking of privatising the economy) and the rightward moving official leadership in Hungary, with their plans for a stock exchange and wholesale privatisation. In a sense the higher living standards and greater level of industrialisation and proletarianisation in East Germany than much of eastern Europe (as well as a more radical left wing political tradition) appear to provide a material basis for a greater commitment to the idea of a planned economy and a more advanced political level, while the weakness of the influence of the church has also proved a major asset.
Of course there is a real danger that if the momentum of the mass movement - that has in a few short weeks changed the political landscape of Europe and the world - Is lost, there could be space created for the emergence of forces favouring capitalist res toration. However at present opinion polls show 78 per cent of East Germans against Immediate reunification with West Germany- which could in today's circumstances only lead to a capitalist Germany.
Of course there are many - not least in the perestroika" wing of the East German stalinist party - who see extensive loans from western banks and even direct investment by imperialist multinationals as a solution to the economic stagnation which has arisen from four decades of bureaucratic planning': but this is a long way short of a restoration of capitalism, which would require the wholesale demolition of collectivised property relations, the destruction of the workers' movement, and the creation of a new repressive state apparatus based upon the defence of private profit and private property. Were this to happen in any of the eastern European countries it would represent a historic catastrophe, a wholesale defeat allowing imperialist bankers to run riot: yet as the caution of Thatcher, Bush and West German Chancellor Kohl all confirm, even the imperialists themselves do not believe they are ready to restore capitalism in eastern Europe.
Which way will the East German workers turn for political leadership? There are would-be reform elements being put forward by the stalinist party; there is a reemergence of the old social democratic party, offering an unclear reformist package which could yet fall into the trap encountered by the Solidarnose leaders in the Polish government. The New Forum movement, while calling for socialist renewal, has held back from forming a political party.
The vacuum of leadership must be filled, and a leadership developed based on the programme and politics of revolutionary marxism. In this context the Trotskyist movement can offer the legacy of sixty years" struggle against stalinist bureaucracy, and a consistent struggle for internationalism, which is essential in the fight to complete and spread the political revolution in East Germany, throughout eastern Europe, into the Soviet Union itself, and raise high the banner of socialist democracy to lead the workers of the world. Trotskyists will be keen to see a new section of the Fourth International built in the heart of the struggles to come.
The East German workers can reawaken and add new dimensions to the revolutionary traditions of Marx, Engels, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. Seldom has a new decade opened with such promise - and so much to fight for. The first step is to build solidarity with the East German workers.
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Socialist Movement Trade Union Conference Giving a lead against new realism Over 550 trade unionists, the overwhelming majority of them non-aligned activists, altended the Socialist Movement's Trade Union Conference in Sheffield on November 11-12.
Organised around the theme "The Way Forward for the Left in the Unions*, the conference represented an important develop ment of the fight-back against "new realism'. The comprehensive policy document adopted by the conference pointed to the John Harris (IFL
Where's the lunch? TUC leader Willis wobbles into 'action' Page 2
UPDATE contradictions between the rise of class struggle and the continued dominance of the "new realist' right wing at the top of the unions
It was new realism' which allowed the dockers to be defeated and which has pushed the policy review through the Labour Party conference. Under the policy review a future Labour government would set out to keep the bulk of the anti-union laws adopted by the Tories.
This is why such a conference for the trade union left was long overdue and why the Socialist
In battle after a long pause: engineers striking for the 35-hour week Movement, which grew out of opposition to 'new realism' was best placed to organise it. Al- though the Socialist Movement has been weak in the trade unions since it began in Chesterfield three years ago it has established a record as a consistent hard left which has supported current every dispute which has taken place. The conference was spon- sored by over 40 labour move- ment organisations - trade unions, Labour Party branches, Trades Councils and political or- ganisations (includ- ing the Communist Britain Party of [Morning Star] and its industrial wing. the Liaison Commit- tee for the Defence of Trade Unions). 160 trade union branches and nine Trades Councils sent 250 official delegates. There were 57 members of NALGO, 16 CPSA, 23 MSF, 22 NUJ, 18 NUM, 16 NUPE, 18 NUR, 33 NUT and 22 TGWU plus in- dividual members of most other unions affiliated to the TUC Although the Comunist Party of Britain sponsored
→ HOWE the conference and had a stall at it they had no serious political intervention and proposed no amendments to the policy statement - which is far to the left of the line they support in the unions. Nor were the biggest British organisations of the far left there. Militant does not support the Socialist Movement and was completely absent, while the Socialist Workers Party, which does support the Socialist Movement, was only there in small numbers - possibly because they had a national conference. The largest organised far left force was Labour Briefing.
The opening plenary was chaired by Jeremy Corbyn MP. and was addressed by Tony Benn MP. Micky Fenn (victimised Tilbury docks steward), Anne Speed (Irish TGWU). Anne Henderson (NUR Broad Left, Debbie Epstein (Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights and Socialist Teachers Alliance), Kim Moody (from the American magazine Labor Notes), Ranion Corriz (General Motors Barcelona) and an ambulance crew member involved in the current industrial action. The Sunday plenary included four other current disputes - Pergamon Press. Essex Chronicle, Sheffield CPSA and Islington NALGO childcare workers.
It was the biggest unofficial c