Mexican system is based on a semi-corporatist, semi-police control of the mass organisations. in the 1930s, after the revolution of 1910- 1917, the state was consolidated through the populist nationalist policy of President Lazaro Cardenas who basically formed the state as it is today. He divided the working class organisations from the peasant or- cent - It's a structural thing.
before in order to secure a bigger legitimise itself - but not in order to This is a major defeat - and it has accentuated the intemal crisis in the PRI to an unprecedented extent. So deep is the crikis that we think the PRI could actually fall apart. There is another democratising current within ly with Cardenas but didn't leave the There is enormous conflict be- tween the oilworkers" union and the president. The union has accused the governor of the state of Mexico of majority, or in orderto lower the num- ber of absentions, or in order to the PRI of people who were original- say that it had won the presidency. against the anti-democratic behaviour unsuccessful bid for its presidency - From the bourgeoisie's economic former President) leaving the PRI in September last year after making an under the banner of a small satellite bourgeois party. Basically his project and outlook is to return to the old PRI tradition. He is not yet moving hack towards the PRI hut aims to revive the policies of the "Mexican revolution". arguing for a return to the kind of state point of view that is extremely dif- ficult. But Cardenas has also come out this has been best exemplified by Cuauhtemoc Cardenas (son of the and running as a breakaway candidate his father fashioned. istence which has smothered all sorts ganisations and incorporated both of them and the any into a mass party whose pillars were those three sectors. The PRI has been in power for 60 years - since it was founded in 1928: Lions and controls all areas of social and political life. However the PRI has been based not only on populist and police control but also on conces- sions. The population has hoen in- crcasingly disaffected from it, both because of the PRI's octopus-like ex- cause over the last ten years it has been almost completely incapable of it is all-pervasive in the state institu of democratic openings, but also be- giving any economic concessions.
years - "The PRI power for 60 has been in frand when he was the director of PEMEX, the state oil company, So wc see members of the PRI attacking a PRI governor: this is unheard of in Can vou say something abour the perspectives and priorities of the PRT the polls and came out in immediate defence of it as soon as it became clear. Many of his supporters said we can't he sure, we don know, we have but we said very clearly that the man has won at the polls and the PRi is not allowing him to take charge of the administration. Now the movement has more or less We recognised Cardenas to be responsible, of the PRI. This choos and gives: tradictory process. Many millions of that represents a step forward in their conciousness. They are supporting an altemative to the PRI which includes: change of policy on the foreign debt, and came out in the elections, crealing for him breaking with the PRI, and voice to sentiments among the mas- ses, who have identified with this man a snowball effect in favour of his can- This is a very complicated and con- people who voted for Cardenas, voted championing a higher minimum wage, a higher guaranteed price for agricultural products, some sort of and all sorts of questions of basic democratic nghts. private capital, it is very definitely a cnormous numbers of very important productive industries. This is being geoisie, which had very little political role over the last 40 or 50 years but ciently related to American im- perialist interests to start to make its own independent cxpressions as class. Until now, the weight of the PRI Although it considers the Mexican economy a mixed cconomy, hased on the social role of the state and on walchdog for private capital which it has fostered for over 50 years. The new policy means de nationalising demanded by the strengthened bour- The Mexican capitalist class now feels sufficiently strong and suffi- has increasingly acquired one.
all areas of 1928: it is all-pervasive social and in the state since it was founded in institutions and controls Page 19 political life. won: they have fixed the votes by use of the computer, and invented votes in more than 25,000 polling stations The movement against the fraud was quite strong for a couple of months hut has now begun to decline. This is not only because of the natural ly because the PRI has held fim and imposed its pyhric vitory. Though But the PRI has implemented the fraud, blatantly insisting that they mainly in the countryside where there tiredness of the movement, but main- Cardenas's supporters consider the were no oppostion ballot watchers. been unified round that question. normally be an important breeding ground for socialists, and in that sense If has also attracted sectors that themselves with Cardenas' project, of the university youth which would in that part of the movement from my point of view it is a step backwards in. were previously independent from bourgeois polities, who now identify from differing points of view, and programme has also attracted democratic populist policy and socialists, as well as an important part with differing emphasis. We are talk- SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 11 December 1988/January 1989 However this rather than defend workers. In order ways been stronger than of any sec- Now the bosses are also clamour- ing for are vamping of the union structures. This is very difficult for the PRI because the unions, along with the peasant organisations, are the too major levers for their mass control The hourgeoisic wants unions organised to increase production to make such changes the goverment need to attack one of their own sup hureaucracy and of the state has al- which are geured to 'moderisation", tion of the bourgenisie. over the population.
also be unified around all sorts of demands; for public services, for ex- If we unify these organisations that ample. N m
are independent from the PRI we can also altract the organisations that arc breaking from the PRE we can start a whole dynamic. We think that there in a change in the entire period; the PRI has never been in this sort of situation Our perspective in to strengthen the moss movement to prevent Cardenas leading workers down a ten-cor- poratist path. We have also proposed the creation of a political front with Cardenas and his new party around democratic demands, including the Tall of the usurper. I we can extend pendent organisation of the unions we this to raising of salaries and the inde- ure in favour of doing this. before.
While we are in favour of working on aunified basis with there forces we consider it absolutely necessary 10 focus, This is where the majority of socialist forces in Mexico today dn not agree: they have been so attracted discusing dissolving themselves into his new party, Therefore we have.to swim against the current, proposing an orientation of unity orientation lor an independent political to the Cardenas project they are now the mass movement and united politi cal action, but keeping a very clear socialist and revolutionary profile of Within the mass movement this has socialists said that we would he pushed to one side when we refused to withdraw our comrade Rosario denas victory which Rosario and we Ibarra as candidate for President they said we would be seen as divisive. When it come to defending the Car- People were quite ahile to under- stand that we did not agrec with Car- denar but that we were democtatic fighters. I can give you an example where five days after the elections there was u demonstration where one of our comrades was a speaker. There were forces there who had neverheard us before, and our speaker said 'we are She explained what our progtamme was, and why we were fighting for Normal people who are taking up terested in what we have to say. It is the ex-socialists who are the most critical of us. We think there is not only a historical need to maintain an independent socialist profile, but a big democracy; she was the most ap- political action for the first time are in- opportunity to do this and build the not Cardenistas, we are socialists". SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 11 December 1988/January 1989 did, we found that this was wrong. been well understood. maintain It ismore difficult in the unions, hut we try to do work there, as much as our forces will allow, working for toward the end of this year. This of exist, especially in the urban and think it is quite possible in have a the mass movements that already flation, and we are trying to make the struggle for the minimum wage coin- cide with the struggle for the contract course would be combined with the movement, around guaranteed prices, unity around the question of salaries. At the end of each month the mini- mum wage is reviewed hecause of in- wage as the reviews on this are duc Fight for democracy in the unions. We The same is true in the peasant and it seems possible to involve the forces who support Cardenas in such a project. The urban movement can peasant movement. unified movement. new PRI president" Salinas to he a usurper, and Cardenas has as much on several occasions, the fight to stop Salinas taking office on Doc Ist has Democratic Revolution) he made no reference to the usurpation. In spite of not been as strong as it could have When Cardenas made the call for a new party, the PDR (Party of the that the mass movement has been enormously revitalised. There is huge potential for united action around democratic, economic and sectoral demands as well as the question of the gle against the usurpation because we consider that this is a basic question around which the Mexican masses have made major steps forward, and to leave it out is unacceptable. However we are also trying to unify 15 million Mexicans depend upon the informal sector Our policy is to continue the strug- Page 20 PHOTO: Julio Etchard/Retlex
bourgeoisie and the military. Thatcherite lines has benefitted on growth Economic this base m P
agree on a common front or On the other side, the Con- vergence for a 'No' vote is made up of many parties. In the elections in 15 months time it will not be cary for them to candidates. Pinochet's strength has always partly been the result of the weakness and + 714 NG NO
main political workers after the recent defeat for General What are the groupings and options currently on offer to Chilean referendum Pinochet's 15 year-old dictatorship? DAVE KELLAWAY has been Chilean comrade and summary. talking to a offers a Page 21 The referendum came after the regime had - through a mixture ties - ridden out the optum in the movement between 1983 and the failed July-September ported the 1973 coup and the major factions of the Socialist Party (SP) are doing their best to develop a moderate coalition with the moderate enough to be acceptable to the CD. He says Allende was too division among his opponents. of repression and legal conces- sions in the more moderate par- dominated politically by the fascist 1980 constitution. All Christian Democrats (CD). The rising star of the SP. Ricardo Lagos is a sort of Felipe Gonzalez figure and is The U.S State Department is very actively involved with the CD and all moderate forces. The CD are more the mobilisation against the regime tum- ing into any sort of radical social mobilisation than in precipitating the downfall of the regime. CD president, Gabriel Valdes, does not mince The rabional way out cannot be other than an agreement with the military so that they fulfil their responsibilities and show political engaged in exploratory discussions through third parties with moderate' What about the left of the move. (CP) and the MIR (Interational Castroist) are outside the Coriver- The CP, MIR and the Aimeya fac- tion of the SP are in an altemative ment (MDP). Over the past years decided to support the campaign for Christian Democrats, who sup will In open up the transitional The Convergence have been ment7 Both the Communist Party gence. The CD have in any case rejected political agreements with front, the Popular Democratic Move- these parties have heen niven by inter- nal debate. The CP and MIR only the 'No' vote in the linal run-up to the process." (ASPI, No. 186 Aug.1986) concerned with preventing Convergence 1986 general strikes, sectors of the army: Revolutionary The 'extreme". words: referendum requires the same sort of in the immediate way it was in 1970- Looking at the actual figures - themes of the debate have shifted with Chilean people are confronted with The question of power is not posed 73, Pinochet's regime war shaken by its October defeat but is not on the verge of collapse. Though interal should not mistake the eventual removal of Pinochet for the ond of the per cent in favour of Pinochet represents a significant social hase of off farmers, backward rural layers, the serious discussion, although the the changed circumstances. The the problent of how to dismantle a dic- tatorship that has been in control of af- fairs since it crushed the mass move differences inside the military and bourgeoisie have got worse. we which are more or less free of fraud - the traditional middle clarses, bettor- Placards from the successful 'no' campaign against Pinochet A