Gorbachev's dilemmas. So far, Gorbachev has proven to be a great public relations expert, but he has remained far from expert in dialogue with the Feminist consciousness has advanced by leaps and bounds in in the Although this may appear as a way of getting around the question of direct representation of women in the organs of First of all, the leaders themselves discourage this. Monty Johnstone asked Burlatsky whether he envisaged the possibility view within the framework of a more populist society. He got a Secondly, the masses themselves hesitate to set out on that The current sensation in Moscow - more than the Central. Repentance, which is a violent critique of the Stalin terror, but in the Gorbachev team. This cannot be overcome by propaganda. leading bodies of the party and the state is creating a real scandal today. The Gorbachev team has reacted. Discussions have taken power properly speaking, at the same time it creates a possibility for a debate on the social demands specific to women — not just an offensive against discrimination in pay but also and above all demands calling for a drastic extension of collective social services; improvement of the system of distribution and public transport to reduce lost time; and re-examination of the problem of the official attitude to the nuclear family, whose breakdown is road - once bitten, twice shy! A recent event attests to this could not give a better illustration of bureaucratic centralism. even within the intelligentsia. The reason for this is two-fold: place on the subject of institutionalising 'women's councils'. recent months. The under-representation of women very curt reply: "That is not usual for our society.' to the 'disturbing rise in the number of divorces,' Socialist Outlook No 1 May/June 1987 Committee plenum Women's councils clearsightedness. working class. for decades. manifest.
All this, obviously, in no way detracts from the importance of Is advocating such demands in the USSR 'too much', 'too opposed to Gorbachev's reforms? That is one of the most demanding a multiparty system, that is, the right of Soviet soon'? Does this strengthen the position of the conservatives workers and peasants freely to form political parties of their Denis Doran/ Relle; choice. USS R the unions, enterprise groups, 'workers' councils' and all mass 'Workers' Councils' in the enterprises to contact each other, to consult and organise 'vertically' within an industry, and above all horizontally in the neighbourhoods (in the great urban centres), in the smaller cities, in districts, regions and republics. Elimination of the principle of 'democratic centralism' within
moth-eaten of arguments. Already on the eve of the revolution of socialists) of the time of playing the reactionaries' game' by putting forward their 'excessive' demands. The real problem lies elsewhere. It lies in the class nature of political activity, in the Thinking that you can make 'really revolutionary changes' (Gorbachev's phrase) in the Soviet Union as it is today without the working class moving is believing in Santa Claus. Thinking that you can get the working class to move without appealing to its interests is falling into the most sterile sort of voluntarist and 1848, the liberals accused the communists (the revolutionary different social interests that are to be expressed and linked up. democratic form makes sense only when applied to persons freely associated on the basis of shared conviction, and not to class or state bodies. At this level, to assure that the masses will genuinely exercise the real power, the guiding principle must be that of delegated authority based on a mandate that can be taken • Re-establishment and guarantee of the right of the workers to strike or carry out any other kind of action pursuant to their • Generalised workers' control over all economic activities, at This principle, even in its original Leninist (that is, genuinely back at any time by the electors who gave it.
In the real world, the brave are characterised precisely by the fact that they are not afraid, that no one can frighten them. That experience an on their own initiative, as they did during the revolution of 1917, and not by command or according to rules Speaking on 19 June 1986 to a group of writers, Gorbachev came up with a very apt formula. "The enemy [it would have been better to say the international bourgeoisie] does not fear To those who say that you cannot go too quickly without much too slow. According to the London Sunday Times of 14 December, a report drawn up by dozens of academicians stressed that the gravity of the crisis ('a terrible mess') calls for To the Gorbachevites who say that the people can only adjust to democracy step by step, we should point out that their paternalism is leading them into a blind alley. Nothing better than their own slogans could reveal the depth of their contradic- tion, which borders on the ridiculous: 'Don't be afraid [!] to quality is something that the masses will acquire by their own The main roads of both material and moral incentvies for the workers follow the markers of solidarity, justice, equality and real decision-making powers and have been well known for more running into more and more obstacles we should reply - along with Gorbachev - that up until now the movement has been established and strictly limited at the top. advance in a brave [!] and resolute way' than 30 years. use of, and demands for, equipment; calculation of current production costs; the establishment of production and wage the 'updated' version of the 'democracy of the producers' that • Elimination of the special stores and reserved wards in the Workers' control (and citizens' committees) to assure that these • Introduction of the principle that no state functionary, including at the highest levels, can get greater remuneration In view of the tight interlocking of the state and the CPSU in the USSR, the extension of a series of demands about 'openness' to the structures of the CPSU does not represent illusions about the all levels of the plan and management, such as over stocks and movements (shipments out and in, transport) of raw materials; norms; the targets of the plan within the enterprise and in other enterprises; the general priorities in plans governing employ- ment; right of veto over layoffs and other forms of reducing This is a key measure for increasing real, and not merely participation by the workers in mana- gement. This is a decisive step toward the economic democracy that Gorbachev talks so much about, and which is supposed to be nature of this party but rather elementary democratic demands. hospitals, vacation homes, special restaurants, and so (including non-monetary benefits) than a skilled worker. was talked about in the wake of the October revolution. formal, 'public relations' measures are applied.
Soviet nuclear missiles. But they do fear the extension of Unquestionably, a Soviet Union in which a real socialist democracy prevailed, which would have a power of attraction for the masses of the entire planet, would change the whole world That is, it would, if this socialist democracy were real and not fictional, if it gave the workers not only more economic rights and powers but more political rights Socialist Outlook No 1 May/June 1987 democracy in the USSR.' (New York Times, 22 December 1986.) and powers than in the most developed capitalist countries. situation at one stroke. proposed that there be election by secret ballot of the members of going on in the USSR are taking place within the Central the CPU's committees, it is logical for the citizens to demand Since for the moment the only real political debates that are Committee of the CPSU, it is logical for critical Soviet citizens to that these elections not be mere shows, but there be a choice of candidates representing real opposing platforms. demand that these debates be published. 'Really revolutionary changes'? 30
Maria Luza M. Carnalho/Retter