Socialist Outlook

Socialist Viewpoint, International, Socialist Outlook and their supplements, 1984–2009

The Break with Socialist Action

· Statement, late 1985 · pp 1-2 (scan pages) · 1,297 words

Labour Party Marxism

THE BREAK WITH SOCIALIST ACTION

A Statement By Supporters Of 'INTERNATIONAL'

Dear Comrades,

You may have heard that a number of former Socialist Action supporters have broken away to launch a new journal, 'International'. Some members of the Socialist Action Editorial Board have publicly explained this break as involving comrades who are "hopelessly ultra-left". We do not want to get involved in any mudslinging. Nor do we relish the development of another tendency on the left, when there is already a bewildering number, many of which are indistinguishable to most labour movement activists. We feel, however, that we have no choice in persuing this action. But we do feel that as someone with whom we have collaborated in the past, you have a right to an explanation from us of what has occurred and why.

The most important political differences which have led to this situation are to do with programme and strategy in international politics, and relate to differences and debates within the international marxist movement. Socialist Action has always openly asserted its credentials as a revolutionary marxist tendency in the Labour Party and its support for the central elements of the marxist world view. That situation is now changing. A current within the Socialist Action Editorial Board has developed that in their own words believes that fundamental aspects of revolutionary marxism are wrong and should be disgarded. Of course, they are entitled to change their views. Marxism is not a rigid dogma. But we do not agree with their proposed revisions to the traditional policies of Socialist Action.

To explain in more detail: these comrades now believe that the marxist notion of 'permanent revolution' in the underdeveloped countries is wrong. 'Permanent Revolution' is a fundamental theory of revolution in the whole of the underdeveloped world. This theory argues that in these countries the tasks of national and democratic emancipation are completely intertwined with the socialist tasks, and can only be completed under the leadership of the working class, through socialist revolution. It has very clear consequences for strategy for revolutionaries, not least of all, which forces they support in these countries. Getting it wrong can lead to disasterous mistakes. For example, it led these comrades to refuse to raise any serious criticism of the Khomeni regime in Iran; even when it was systematically repressing and killing thousands of revolutionaries, women, and people from the oppressed nationalities. This was done on the spurious grounds that the regime was progressive and anti-imperialist. It meant very concretely, not supporting those suffering repression at the hands of Khomeni. And today in South Africa, these same comrades uncritically support the programme of the African National Congress, (ANC), oppossing forces to its left with a more advanced and socialist perspective. Yet the ANC's programme is, in the last analysis, little more than a traditional 'two-stage revolution programme'. Similar to those traditionally supported by Stalinist organisations, and which denies the socialist character of the revolution. These types of programmes have led to some tragic and disasterous defeats for the international labour movement in the last decades.

We would stress that these are not monor differences: they are matters of life and death, for those conducting the struggle in these countries. They mean supporting different forces in the real revolutionary struggles in these areas. They are leading, in our sober assessment, to a serious accomodation to the politics of Stalinism by these comrades.

For a number of years we have fought this developing current of opinion on the Editorial Board of Socialist Action, and amongst supporters and subscribers. Unfortunately, these and other differences precipitated a general decline in support for the paper, and a growing ascendancy of these dangerous new policies. Now, for the first time, this current of opinion have the political and organisational hegemony on the Editorial Board of Socialist Action. Moreover, our experience of trying to change the situation over a number of years has not been successful. This was not achieved by the method of principled political debate, on the contrary it was the result of unprincipled manouvres and blocs, by the Editor and his supporters with the revisionist current that he had previously struggled against. We now believe that the Socialist Action Editorial Board has diverted the paper onto a new path, fundamentally different to that upon which it was founded. We genuinely believe that the Socialist Action Editorial Board can not now be dissuaded from its new course. With great reluctance, therefore, we have decided to launch a new journal to carry on the traditions of Socialist Action, prior to its evolution of the recent past.

International will have a different attitude to left unity to that of Socialist Action in recent months. Socialist Action had increasingly developed a theory whereby any attempt to co-ordinate and extend organisation and unity of the Labour left was seen as a diversion and 'ultra-left'. It was explained in editorial meetings that the 'main problem' was ultra-leftism on Labour's hard left. As a result, organisations like Labour Briefing and the Labour Left Co-ordination, (which involves the Campaign Group of MP's, CLPD, Black Sections and the Labour Committee on Ireland, LCLGR), were attacked in the paper as ultra-left. This was despite the obvious success of the LLC in co-ordinating a joint left daily bulletin at national Labour Party Conference, and in bringing togather the campaigning and socialist currents in the Party around concrete objectives. At the same time as rejecting steps towards left unity, Socialist Action has also increasingly refused to publicly raise any political differences whatsoever, with leading figures of the Labour Left. For ourselves, we see no contradiction between putting considerable resouces into developing left unity, with an honest and fruitful dialogue, around the genuine political and strategic differences. For example, we believe that the key strategic task in the Labour movement over the coming years is to organise a class struggle current across the trade unions and the Labour Party which will challenge politically those leaders of the Labour Party and the unions who refuse to fight the bosses - similar to the Minority Movement and National Left-Wing Movement of the 1920's. Although today the left is on the defensive in both the Party and the unions, we see this as only lasting for a short period - possibly up to the next general election. For inevitably Kinnock's Parliamentarist project will confront major obstacles including the explosive question of coalitionism. Key figures on the Labour Left with whom we have worked closely do not necessarily agree on this perspective, while Socialist Action refuses to openly state what its policy is, or take the necessary steps to begin the process of left organisation. We think this is dishonest and ineffective. Open discussion and debate on political differences should go hand-in-hand with striving for left unity in action. Socialist Action has abandoned both.

Even this extended letter can not do justice to the political differences which have led to our launching International. We hope that you will continue to work with us in the Labour Party, the unions, the campaigns, and the movements of the oppressed. We are extremely serious about continuing our work in all these areas as part of a long term perspective of building a Marxist movement. Already, one-third of the active supporters of Socialist Action have pledged their support for International. We expect many more to follow suit in the coming months. If you wish to know more about our perspectives, or the background to the demise of Socialist Action, please discuss with sellers of our journal, International, or come to the forums we are organising around it up and down the country.

SUBSCRIPTIONS TO 'INTERNATIONAL' ARE AVAILABLE FROM: TIR, 'International', P.O. BOX 503, London, N1 1YH. 12 issues for £6.00. Cheques payable to International.

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