continuing crisis
In South Africa, the state of emergency has taken its toll. But, as CHARLIE VAN GELDEREN shows in the organisations of the Black working class new leaders are replacing the old as quickly as they can be arrested. The crisis of white rule continues. "THE OLD ORDER is dying but the new refuses to be born.... Gramsci's phrase accurately depicts the South Atrican crisis today. Despite the state of emergency the masses remain combatative. The ruling class is divided, uncertain of its next step. Neither reforms nor brutal repression has succeeded in cooling the revolutionary spirit of the black people in the urban townships and the mood of revolt has now spread to the rural arcas too.
It is widely expected that Botha will stage a general election for the white chamber of the tri-cameral parliament before his rivals on the right can increase their influence. Central to this project was the success of the state of emergency. With an estimated total of between 10,000 and 15,000 detained under the emergency regulations the regime hoped that it had decapitated the mass movement.
There can be no doubt that the repression with the almost permanent deployment of security forces within the townships and armed combat troops inside the schools, has taken its toll of the liberation movement. But the crumbling of the restrictions imposed on the media under the emergency regulations has revealed not only the extent of the bloody actions taken by the security forces, but also the continuing resistance of Black workers.
Despite the fact that trade unionists from the Congress of South African Unions (COSATU) and the Council of Unions of South Africa (CUSA) figure prominently amongst the detainees there has been a continuation in the pattern of labour militancy. According to Work in Progress (WIP), the radical South African labour monitoring magazine, a partial survey of the industrial relations scene between May and the middle of August revealed that 35,810 workers had participated in strikes and disputes. The penalty was heavy for some workers— some 740 workers were detailed en masse at their factories while on strike at Nels Dairies.
But according to WIP the unions coped with detentions and unionists on the run by shopfloor workers taking over union administration and assuming direct responsibility for negotiations while office bearers took annual leave to fill in for negotiating teams. This reaction has shown the deep roots which the new independent unionism has sunk among Black workers.
The true situation in the townships is also beginning to emerge. The official figure issued in mid-August from the government's Bureau of Information (sic) of 221 people 110 killed in political violence since the emergen-
South Africa's
R 73653 cy was declared was obviously an underesti mate. According to the South African Institute of Race Relations a total of 754 people died in political violence between January and May alone.
But the pretence that the emergency has "stabilised' the townships received the final blow with the Soweto massacre of 27 August. The government was finally forced to contirm the statements of anti-apartheid organisations that 21 people had died and over 200 were injured in the incident. Even
SANS this may turn out to have been an underestimate, since many Blacks do not take their injured to hospital for fear of arrest.
The other aspect of the massacre is that it also represented a repulse of the evictions campaign, a major government initiative. Kents are the principal source of income for the local authorities in the townships. The people do not recognise the legitimacy of the councils and regard all who serve on them as stooges of the regime. Asa Sowcto pamphlet putit: 'We won't pay rent. We won't pay the
salaries of our enemies, the puppet councillors and their police'
The nation-wide rent bovcou has already cost the state more than R250 million. According to the johamesburg Weckly Mail a special body the Ciesamentlike Bestuursentrums made up of representatives from business, community councils, development boards and the security forces was set up to undertake the campaign. The light of the 30 town councillors out of Soweto on 29/30 August marked a decisive set back for the goverment campaign.
The strike has also marked the complete failure of the whole project of creating pro-goverment Black local coun cils. Out of the 34 councils elerted 11 December 1983 (with only ten percent of the dectorate voting in townships like Somero) only three were still functioning at the end of 1985. The collapse of the local councils was paralleled be the decisive rejection of che Black population as a whole of the tricameral parliament and the attempts to divide and rule through enlisting Indian and Coloured support.
Botha's reforms have thus been spurned by the Black people of South Africa. But repression is not an alterntive to reform. An important section of the South African capitalist class, as well as international capital with a big stake in the South African cconomy continues to press for much more radical measures.
One hundred important corporations under the auspices of the American Chamberof Commerce in South Africa have taken out full page advertisements in major South African newspapers calling for: the frecing of political detainees: unbanning of political organisations; negotiations with acknow ledged leaders about power-sharing; political rights for all; the repeal of the Population Registration Act; the granting of SA citizenship to all; the repeal of the Group Areas Act; common equal education and the equalisation of the health service. This heady programme aims, according to its authors, to save South Atrica for 'tres enterprisc'. where does the difference with the South African government arise?
Botha accepts that the Verwoed model of
'outmoded. The continued existence of capitalism in South Africa demands major modifications of the system. His problems are political - based on the reactions of the black and white popultions.
The government is acutely aware that the implementation of a programme like that of the American Chamber of Commerce could spell not only the end of apartheid, but also of the capitalist system itselt in South Atrica. Precisely because apartheid has consciously limited the development of a Black middle class of any importance, the only alternative
today to the white capitalist regime would be
a government based on the working masses.
There is no guarantee that such a govern-
ment would be able to control the aspira-
tions for social justice voiced by a large.
strongly organised and economically power-
ful working class. Botha knows that the
pattern of neo-colonialist regimes which
exist in the rest of South Africa is highly
unlikely to be repeated in South Africa.
Diepkloff Workenhostel, Soweto
Theother side of Botha's dilemma rests in the white population. The idcology of apartheid is deeply rooted, not only among
Afrikaans-speaking whites, but also among a large proportion of the English speaking population.
Nadime Gordimer, the well known South African novelist, explains that there is an old misconception still current abroad: the Atrikaaners are baddies and the English speakers the goodies among whites in our country.. In November 1983 the then prime minister, Mr PW Botha received an overwhelming 2222 "Yes" vote for his new constitution with its and so called Coloureds, and total exclusion of the Black majority. The referendum held
'shopfloor workers took
Sover union administration' was open to whites only, Afrikaans and English-speaking. Mr Botha could not have received a mandate if the English speakers had voted "no". "Yes" they said, voting along with Mr. Botha's supporters in the National (sic) Party. "Yes". • they said, twenty three and a half million Black people hall have no say in the central government of South Africa'. (Nadime Gordimer, Apar theid in Crisis Penguin, 1986)
All white South Africans, with a few exceptions, enjoy or have the potential to enjoy the enhanced social and economic status which apartheid hs conferred on them. They will not give it up lightly.
In fact it is from those whose living standards tend to converge with those of the Black population that the strongest reaction to Botha's reforms have come. The abolition of job reservation coming at the same time as deep economic recession has allowed industry and commerce to shed costly white labour and replace it with cheaper Black workers. White workers are now competing with Black workers for unskilled jobs and even, horror of horrors, queueing up for soup kitchens. The downturn in the economy is also aftecting the smaller farmers
Nigel Dickensor. and it is these elements who now are flocking into the NWP (National Resistance Movement), the fascist organisation waiting in the wings to serve the cause of white supremacy when the time comes. Thousands of former supporters of the government National Party are likewise rallying to the parties of the extreme right, the Conservative Party and the Herstigte (Reconstituted) National
Thus, while also being a serious attempt to crush the mass movement, the reign of terror launched against the townships and the Black trade unions is also a signal to the faithful that the government is quite capable of controlling the situation with a policy of kragdadigheid, the exercise of brute power. And as Botha made clear at the recent national congress of his party, his policy remains defending the essential cornerstones of apartheid — the Group Areas Act and
While these are still enforced the dropping of the pass laws, the Mixed Marriage Acts and the granting of freehold rights for all are simply gestures designed to mollify liberal domestic and foreign opinion, while defying the world to do its worse with sanctions.
There is no doubt that this strategy has among the white population. But the continuing heroic resistance of the Black masses and ensurennie oo underminis this the route ruling class. Not only has the mass movement not been crushed, but the reports which have inevitably leaked out depicting the reign of terror in the South African has further aroused world opinion against the apartheid regime and strengthened the call to isolate South Africa with effective sanctions.
South Africa is not on the eve of a successful Black revolution today. The degree of political crisis of the regime has not yet affected the repressive capacities of its formidably modern army, nor has armed struggle of the masses yet come onto the agenda. But the contradictions inherent in the white body politic ensures that its convulsions will continue, while the new order continues to dig below the surface.
Why do you think that the left failed to capture the Labour Party for socialism berween 1979 and 1981? It was the high point of the Labour Party because, in my view, it looked as if it was going to be possible to get beyond an SDP-type of Labour Party, and change the situation wherby the Parliamentary Labour Party comes to power freeto do what it likes without consulting the movement as a whole.
I think this frightened the British establishment to an extraordinary degrec. Although they have never liked the Labour Party, in the past they have known that it Labour came to power, nothing much would change. But they saw the possibility that, if the left won inside the party and Labour came back to power, then all that would change. They saw the possibility of a Labour government which would bring about as big a swing to the left as Thatcher has brought about on the right.
The events between 1979-81 also frightened the Labour leadership because, like the establishment, they wanted no such thing. And what we witnessed during that time was a combination of the British establishment, the Labour establishment and the media getting together to snuft it out. But they did not succeed in snutting it out. Everything that's happeed since is rooted in what happened during those years.
Now if the deputy leadership campaign had gone the other way I think the results would have been different to what people expected. The Parliamentary party would probably have elected their own deputy leader - they would nothave accepted the decision. There were probably also errors in the way the campaign was conducted. Was it right to focus on the deputy leadership campaign? The issues might have been better focussed by pushing the constitutional reforms to the point where the shadow cabinet was elected. I think that's open to argument.
Just as we criticise the party for being an clectoral machine, is there a danger of the lett becoming an eletoral machine, where everything is concentrated on getting power within the framework of the party? Ithink the deputy leadership campaign was the highpoint of the left; people knew the issue was about policies and began to organise in the unions in support of left policies. But just on the issue of the reasons for the defeat of the left, some people would argue that it was inevitable because the institutions of the right —- the Parliamentary 112 party and the trade union leaders -- have
always combined to stifle revolt inside the party. Well we got nearer to it then than at any othertime. I'm sceptical about the ability of a single candidate to encapsulate the whole argument of the left - I don't believe these things are done at the top anyway. But it's truc that the simple question of who to support for deputy leader did bring into focus left policies and did radicalise the
I'm not sure l agree that the left can never win in the party. There's a note of scepticism in that. Nota scepticism about the Labour Party, which I can understand, but of the idea of the British working class movement everadopting - through its institutions policies which lead to real change. Afterall the Labour Party' is only a name for the constituencies and unions. Are you saying, and I'msure I wouldn't say this, that 650 CAPsand thousands of unions branches could never develop enough unerstanding and pressure to bring about real change? The establishment would never believe that, because they've been scared of it since 1649, since 1789 and since 1917 in particular. Of course there are powerful centres of resistance to such change, the PLP and the TUC General Council in particular, but I'm not sure that they are as strong as all that. You said yourself that if you'd won the deputy leadership election the Pi.P might have set up its own deputy leadership. All I'm questioning is whether the Labour Party as it iscan beareal agency for change. Well — there are two Labour parties. The relationship between the two was highlighted by the democratic reforms. The PLP, unlike every local party, does not have its own standing orders or constitution incorporated into the constitution of the Labour Party. The PI.P is based on the Burkeian idea that when you get there you represent everybody. You are only a party person when you are selected as a candidate. When you get elected you kick away the
The problem of the PI.P has not got to be confused with the nature, character and potential of the Labour Party. The PLPis going to be different after the next election. When an incoming Labour governmentwe hope — comes forward with policies that might be unacceptableto the labour movement. For at least the first 18 months there is going to be a very high degree of accountability before the re-sclections come through. Weestablished the beginnings of a change that would be really important but we never completed it. OK. Let's talk about what's going on now. What chance do you think we on the left have of a Labour government coming to power that really changes the lives of working class people in this country? Well the manifesto for the next election will be within the framework of what is acceptable to the establshment, with the possible exception of cruise missiles. It is a manifesto that will merely lead to a Labour team replacing a Tory team. Electoralism isn't the be-all and end-all but the displacing
of Mrs Thatcher is a very relevant question. The one change that will be encapsulated in an clection victory for Labour is the clectoral defrat of Thatcher, the throwing back of the Tories into opposition. We will then have a now and different labour movement team in power. The question is what does the labour movement do then?
I'm moving away from the idea of a manifesto of promises to a manitesto of demands. You've scen the Chesterfield Manifesto. Theidea that the role of the labour movement is to make demands on whocver is in power. The policies as now forecast become less relevant than what we do when there is Labour government. Labour, in this phase, would operate more in the way capital operates — as a pressure on society, and on the government. But business has a lot of automatic powerin oursociety. The working class has to organise to have any say at all. Going back to what you said about 81 threatening changes on the left as radicalas Thatcherism was tor theright, I believe that's just what's needed —- a radical Labour government. Thespphas no alternative to Thatcher, Labour's NECIS moving towards a manifesto tht will differ very little with the SDP. I low does the left hold up the banner of the kind of policies and the kind of labour movement we need to fight Thatcher and her allies? Some people want that deabre completely squashed But they have not succeeded in quashing that debate. There's something else about the political situation in Britain — a shared analysis among a very large number of people about what's going on. The main factor in bringing about that shared analysis - which I suppose you would calla class and socialist analysis — was the miners' strike. Butthe miners' strike was able to build up the Greenham women, the Black struggle, the democratic reforms in the Labour Party. I think there is a shadow socialist party in Britain inside the Labour Party, not exclusively inside. I think it's that which the establishment fears.
It's very important we don't accept the media definition of the left which is that it's disappeared because that's designed to demoralise us. What makes the establishment frightened is that they know the left has not been destroyed. The arming of the police, the cs gas, the water cannons, the BBC is one long campaign against socialist ideas. The fact that Fleet Street opens fire on anyone that puts their heads above the parapet — be it Bernic Grant, Derek Hatton, Arthur Scagill or myself — all this is an indication of their concern about the left.
I agree with you • we need a Labour government with socialist policies if we are going to carry forward any transtormation. It may be that the detcat of Thatcher at this moment —and I don't want to sound like Marxism Today because I don't agree with them -- and the achievement of a Labour victory will open up prospects for change again. Hope isa very important factor in mobilisation. Fear is a very negative factor. Capital is much more entrenched in our society. Labour is an external pressure and capital is aninternal pressure from the top.
INIERNATIONAL No. 6, October/November 1986
But I do not believe that the defeats we've suffered, even the rightward drift on the NEC, is any sort of indication of the strength of the left in Britain which is really quite strong. Yes but there are still major policies that are left-wing and the team at Walworth Road are going to ignore them. Why can't the MP's that you say are to the left of what is likely to be in the Manifesto commit themselves to campaigning on left-wing policies in the next Well they are. The campaign for the policies is fairly well entrenched. The Million Jobs a Year pamphlet that the Campaign group has produced is a fairly radical policy. If you take the question of NATO, the Us bases and non-alignment, that is another very radical policy. The problem for the left is how to advocate those policies in a way that is not sectarian and confrontational. People are as switched off by sectarian internal politics as they are by inter-party politics. We must address working people directly. It makes it more likely Labour will win. If you look at Mitterrand in France, the Spanish Socialist Party and the Greek Socialist Party in power and the Wilson/ Callaghan government here you say that the victory of Kinnock will lead to the emergence of hope but if the left is not organised we could see a repeat of those experiences which do not show so much hope. The left didn't organise against Wilson and Callaghan. Well I think the left has organised. There were various attempts after 81 to get organised — Labour Liaison, Labour Representation Committee, but the shattering effect of the 83 electoral defeat and Carlos Guanta Reflex the desire to get Thatcher out, which was beginning to operate by early 82, and even more the Falklands war which the Party leadership failed to oppose, made the electoral victory impossible.
I don't want to overdo it but I think the Campaign group of MP's provided a convenient starting point for what is now 100 Campaign groups all over the country, including in the unions. Labour Left Liaison, combined with this, does reflect a left organisation in the Labour Party that is probably the strongest in my lifetime.
Now what will happen when there is a Labour government? In the case of Mitterrand he had to have his common programme with the French Communist Party because it was there. He tried to use the CP to get into power and then kicked it away.
Now the Labour leadership have taken the Mitterrand story and come to a very interesting conclusion. They want to avoid the U-turn that Mitterrand made so let's start off where he ended up. That just won't satisfy people because of the crisis we're in,
because of people's expectations and because
ot the existence of the labour lett. There's nothing inevitable about a repeat of 1964 or 1974.
You've talked about struggle being the
baseline for the left. How can you square
INTERNATIONAL. No. 6. October/November 1986
that with supporting Michael Meacher as a candidate for the NEC when he has retused to support the miners and voted for the witch hunt? That's not such a difficult question. Wher you have vacancies to be filled you have to see who is the best candidate. I could ask myself the same question about standing for deputy leader after all the mistakes I've made in my life. I'm not in the business of heroes People are being expelled from the Labour Party. It's not nit-picking to ask why the Campaign group isn't supporting a slate of those who will vote against those expulsions. To concentrate on the merits and de-merits of individuals is a diversion at this stage. I was uneasy about the joint slate with Tribune last year. If you try to negotiate with the trade unions it involves supporting people who have voted against us on the NEC. These are problems associated with electoralism. OK. There are two candidates being put forward by the Black sections for the NEC. Why is the Campaign group supporting neither of them? It is a problem and it also applies to the Women's Slate elected at Women's conference, which is slightly different from our slate negotiated with the unions. I suppose in terms of the NEC we're saying who are the best candidates with the greatest chance of electoral success. I'm not sure I can give you a satisfactory answer to that question. Just on the trade unions demanding support for certain candidates. The T& G have conference policy of opposition to the witch-hunt. Yet the delegation will put its hands up for the witch-hunt and for candidates who support it. If the left is going to make principled alliances with trade unionists isn't it going to be necessary to break with such deals? Well I think you have to deal with that problem in the T&G. But it's fair to say that whether its the electoralism of a General Election or the inner-party elections there are all sorts of problems and inconsistencics arising from it. The way to escape from those problems is not to escalate the importance of individuals as much as you do. If you're arguing about policy it's a different a much more right-wing NEC. Many among the trade unions will use their bloc vote to remove people from the trade union and
women's section of the NEC who they regard
as having been critical of the party leadership. I think they'll keep their heads
down on the grounds that if they were to
raise qusetions about this new Industrial
Relations legislation they might adversely
effect Labour's chances of being elected.
This conference can't be judged by people
who get to the top of the NEC but instead it
must be used to spread an understanding of
what needs to be done. This time we need to
deepen and strengthen the arguments of the left.
This year's conference is going to produce
Still here,