The strategic aim of a reorganised European capitalism is to enable its big corporations to meet the economic challenge of other power blocks - of Japan and the 'Tiger' economies of the Pacific rim, and the North American block around the United States.
This strategic aim has evolved out of the post-war European alliances and trading blocks, which were originally shaped by the emergence of the USA as the main victor of the second world war, and the world's overwhelmingly dominant capitalist power. US capital was key to the reconstruction of Europe, and the early alliances were encouraged by the US as a means to strengthen capitalist blocks to challenge the expanded power of the USSR. The original European project of the Iron and Steel Community, and then the Common Market were both creations of the Cold War, as was the NATO alliance. Historically British capitalism has been the most globalised of the European economies. A high proportion of its assets lay outside Britain, hence the special role of the City of London as a centre of international finance. But with the decline of the British Empire, British capital made a compromise, and became second string to the USA, clinging on to the 'special relationship'. British overseas markets, assets and financial operations became more and more dependent on US economic and military power. France, under De Gaulle, reacted against US dominance in Europe, and refused to become a full member of NATO. This, along with the emergence of Germany as the most powerful capitalist state in Europe, began to erode US influence, and shape a more independent European project. The relative economic decline of the USA during the 1970s and the shaping up of new power blocks stimulated a new drive towards European integration during the 1980s.
These developments created an increasing division of interests for the British ruling class, torn between its membership of the EC and its special relationship with the USA. The special relationship remained the main pillar of British strategy under successive governments until the post-war economic boom ran out of steam in the 1970s.
France had opposedBritain's late application to the EEC for that reason. Bntain's subsequent successful application to join the EEC in the early 1970s created profound contradictions between the expanding European market for British goods and its much wider intemational financial operations. During the 1980s there was a massive outflow of British capital, primarily to the USA. The growing trade rivalry in the 3-way battle for markets between Europe, the North American and Japanese power blocks is now the crux of the drive for greater integration of the European Union. In this global struggle, the relatively small European imperialist states require bigger and more secure markets and a greater freedom for the movement and rationalisation of capital on a European basis if they are to compete.
Even Europe's biggest companies still need mergers and rationalisation it they are to compete with the generally larger American and Japanese giants. This is why the Europe based multinationals are overwhelmingly in favour of the EU and further integration. In fact a group of
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multi-nationals representing multi-billion pound businesses meet regularly to pressurise for integration.
For a Socialist Alternative Socidist Outlook is in favour of British withdrawal from the EU. We believe that such a step. which runs against the interests of British capitalism, would create the best conditions for the class struggle here in Britain. At the same ume the withdrawal of a major partner would be likely to create a crisIs within the remainder of the EU, opening up possibilities for workers in other turopean countries to fight for their demands and challenge capitalIst rule.
Our am is not a capitalist Britain outside of the EU. We fight for a socialist Britain as part of a socialist Europe. At every stage it is vital that socialists put forward a Europe-wide alternative to the bosses' project of capitalist integration and rationalisation at the expense of jobs and living standards. We do not defend the illusory "independence" of the national state. We are internationalists. We favour a United Socialist States of Europe, linking working people, east and west, north and south.
The Europe we want is one that prioritises the needs of the working class against profit, promotes equality for women, fights racism and defends the environment. We want a. real 'social Europe' - and that can only be a socialist Europe. - We support the idea of a genuine Constituent Assembly of all the peoples of Europe to determine the future of Europe. We are for workers' solidarity against the capitalist trusts and multinationals. We are for building direct links and joint struggles between workers across Europe.
Indeed Socialist Outlook is the most committed internationalist current on the British left, with close working links with the Fourth international, the world-wide organisation of revolutionary socialists. The Fl has national sections throughout Europe, many of which have emerged as the motive force building the broad alliances of trade unions, unemployed organisations and political parties that have led to the successful Euro Marches for Jobs. As socialists and internationalists, we say that the workers' movement cannot Simply abstain on Maastricht, Maastricht 2 or EMU on the grounds that if they fall the bosses will impose another form of capitalism. These Treaties represent a direct attack on the working class and their interests. In particular they represent a coordinated attempt to smash up the welfare state Today it is easier for working people to see that EMU and the Maastricht treaty will lead iu further attacks on their jobs F---------- -and services, even if they retain illusions that the EU itself is a positive ¡Ending the thing. That is why we have participated in many campaigns and debates against EMU. •Nightmare We must continue to broaden the debate in the labour movement, | A compelling collection of essays working so that those who today will by the late Ernest Mandel and take action against the effects of Maastricht will through action, come to I others explaining the roots of realise that the whole project of | European racism and fascism - European integration needs to be and the strategy to defeat them. challenged.
From this point of view the decision £5.00 including post & packing that Labour will hold a referendum on from Socialist Outlook, PO Box the question of European Monetary 1109, London N4 2UU
Nightma Ending the Soçlalists asi
A referendum will stimulate broader political debate Union is a welcome one.
and allow us a broader audience for our ideas. Obviously we would have preferred a referendum on the question of European referendum then we will campaign for a 'no' vote. We will do so whilst rejecting Union itself. But if EMU, a crucial stage of European integration, is to be put to a the right-wing nationalist arguments.
place across Europe, can confront and defeat the power of international capital Only the independent mass action of the working class, as has been taking A crucial part of this perspective is defeating the current and its state forms.
lans of the employers to reorganise Europe to defend their profits and interests - at our expense.
Socialist OUTLOOK What we stand for IN THE NINETIES, millions of women The overall goal which we pursue and men have taken part in is the emancipation of all human mobilisations against the evils of beings from every form of capitalism aad the bureaucratic exploitation, oppression, alienation dictatorships. This reflects the fact and violence. Socialism must be that humanity faces widening under the control of ordinary people, dangers. Ecological, military, social democratic, pluralist, multi-party, and economic devastation faces feminist, ecologist, anti-militarist and internationalist. It must abolish millions of people.
Many more people recognise the wage slavery and national barbaric nature of capitalism. In a oppression, situation where the inability of the Unity social democratic and communist The working class is the backbone parties to provide socialist solutions of unity among all the exploited and is becoming clearer, the task of oppressed. The working class and creating new leaderships remains its allies must fight ahead. uncompromisingly against Socialist Outlook is written and capitalism and for a clear sold by socialists committed to this programme ofaction in order to struggle. We are the British gradually acquire the experience supporters of the worldwide marxist and consciousness needed to defeat organisation, the Fourth capitalism at the decisive moment of гасе. International. We stand for the crisis.
revolutionary transformation of The movements of women, society and a pluralist, socialist lesbians and gay men and black democracy world wide.
people to fight their particular forms of oppression make an essential contributioa to the struggle for airy different society. They are organised around the principle "None so fit to break the chains as those who wear them". The whole workingclass needs to fully commit itself to these struggles.
Furthermore we fight for a strategic p alliance between workers andithese organisations which respects their legitimate autonomy.
By simultaneously buidings:
revolutionary organisations in each country and a revolutionary International we aim to guide, and encompass the global interests of the workers and oppressed. By building a united struggle-against exploitation and oppression we alm to ensure the survival of thiehuman, Join us. For more details write now g to Socialist Outlook, PO Box 1,109, London N4 2UU.