British Pers spectives.
Passed by the CC 12/13 March 1988 Contents: aD Introduction — 2) The Crash and the British Economy 7 3) The Impact of Gorbachevism | 4) Thetchers Project ‘and the Third Tory Victory " 5) The Third Force | ” 6) The Situation in the Labour Movement and the Crisis of Leadership _ a) The Rise of New Realism b) The Responses of the Left c) The Soft ‘Centre disolves into New Realism. t d) The New Stage in the Radicalisation end Recomposition of the este @) The Crisis in the CPGB f) The Special Tactic and B* @> The Situation in the Trades Unions h> Local government i) The Struggle in Scotland (to be added? 7) Student Perspectives 8> The Struggles of the Oppressed 7 , ms | a) Women's Liberstion (to be added) | “b) Black Liberation ; c)-Lesbian and Gay Liberation . vo 7 9) International Solidarity a) Ireland b) Southern Africa .¢) Palestine 10) The Struggle to Rebuild the WM in Britain ‘(to be added?
Parspactives | ~2- BRITISH PERSPECTIVES 1> Introduction.
Major new political factors and opportunities for -growth face the organisation in the next year or so. The fundamental character of the period remains one where ‘the working class, despite major setbacks in some sactors, has not been definitively defeated.
The stock market crash has cpened the possibility of breaking up the ideological success enjoyed by the Thatcher Government, This, combined with the upsurge of struggle in 1983, hac placed the working class in a much more favourable situation than at any time since the defeat of the miners’ strike. The left as a whole has the opportunity to advance anti-capitalist {deas to a new and widening audience. We tooican reach -nut. to this audience, but only if we grasp the new features of the situation, including the impact of Gorbachevism, into a new emphasis in our work. ce The changed situation does not mean an overall change in our special tactic, but rather a shift of emphasis in our work. It means turning what was largely implicit in our special tactic into something entirely explicit: basing our work on the mass struggles of the working class. This means in particular a high profile for B#* and the journal in these struggles.
These important new developments do not mean a reversal -of our previous perspectives. The fugion text argued that despite the defeats suffered by the working class and the refusal by the Labour and TU Iéadership to back any fight or struggle, the underlying economic situstion along with continued defensive resistance by sections of the class and the redundancy of the slogan 'Wait for a Labour Government’ would be likely to lead to a higher lavel of class struggle. 2) The Crash and the Crisis of the British Economy. — The underlying reasons for the crash and the US budget and balance of payments deficits, are well documented in the WM press and elsewhere in our publications, The continuing instability of the international stock markets since October, increasingly coordinated because of new technology, in particular the sharp fail at the beginning of the new year, shows the continuing volatility of the markets. The further drop of 54 points in mid January resulting from the 16% drop in new building starts in December in the States, which is taken as an indicator of the state of the economy, suggests that the crash may be already working its way through.
The increased level of working class militancy, in the car industry, the NHS and elsewhere is also adversely affecting the stock market. The crash is a blow to capitalism and will in all likelihood lead to deeper recession and slump. The timescale of such developments cannot be predicted in advance, but the losses sustainadmay very well lead to bankruptcies, layoffs and policies of increased austerity.
Farspec tives -3- The crash represents a body blow fo capitalism at the ideological as well as the economic level, In Britain it undermines Thatcher's policy of privatisation along with the idea of ‘popular capitalism’, It also further exposes the obvious bankruptcy of the Labour leadership's capitulation to the rhetoric of 'share-owning democracy" . One effect of the crash could be a Strengthening of neo-Kaynesian, ‘intervantionist' economics, which has been the stock in trade of traditional Labourism — Any response by the ruling class which is to address tha problem. must involve a substantial reduction in the living standards of the working class, This will come both through austerity programmes and a diract increase in the rate of exploitation at the point of production, Such attacks are already leading to an increase in the tempo of class struggle and 4 radicalisation of the political situation most evident in the car industry and other industrial disputes, The militancy is alse reflected in an indirect way in the new rise of struggles by health workers challenging the run down of the NHS.
The crash has opened up ‘the political situation, making anti-capitalist propaganda more credible to broader sections of the working class, putting the Labour leadership on the spot.as regards its economic policy, giving a boost to demands that the besses pay for the crisis.
The crash is - algo likely te lead to Increasing inter-impertalist competition, as @ach imperialism looks to save its own skin, and further undermines the post war settlement. Since the defeat in Vietnam, Washington has financed its aconomy and escalating armaments drives by massive ‘borrowing and by such mechanisms as high interest rates, with the result that today, the world's dominant power is also the world's greatest debtor nation. This is an intolerable situation which reflects the fact that US imperialism can no longer sustain the cast of maintaining {ts global hegemony in the context of the relative decline of its economic basa. The Reaganite policy of forcing the rest .of the capitalist world to shoulder a large part of the cost of its armaments programmes etc. can only deepen dissantion within the western alliance, This policy combined with the effacts of the crash can only strengthen ‘Europeanist’ tendencies within the British ruling class, -:
Increased fension between US and Europe, including Britain, will strengthen the hand of the Frenchand the West Germans (already in Reagan's | bad books ‘because of increasing traddé with the East) making Thatcher's traditional position as cheer leader -for Reagan in Europe very difficult. In addition Reagan's Presidency is increasingly e ‘lame duck’ one as his policies are defeated Contra aid? and the Presidential elactton approaches. Labour politicians will also be forced to rethink their traditional ‘Atianticist' preoccupations, a process which has already got underway, . 3) The Impact of Gorbachevism.
In this context of capitalist aconomic and political crisis, the evolution of Gorbachevism is extremely important. There is no doubt that Gorbachev has made a series of concessions to the US ‘on Star Wars for example), in rcder to reastablish ‘detente’ and *normalisation' of US and USSR policies in Europe. It is clear that he has done this for internal reasons,
Parapec tives . oo ~4- Deepening the traditional policy of ‘peaceful coexistence’ {is a necessary precondition for a radical restructuring (perestrotka) of the alling Soviet economy.
In order to attack the old guard who stand in the way of perestroika, and under the pressure of the logic of glasnost, Gorbachev has denounced Stalin and. the Moscow Trials and moved towards the rehabilitation of some.af the purged people. All this however has been stricvly limited in order to contain it within. manageable proportions, What cannct be rehabilitated to any degree at all is Trotsky and Trotskyism. [t remains an organisad and living force today with the potential to axplolt any challenge to the bureaucracy which might arise out of the contradictions of glasnest. For us this must mean that we directly confront and challenge the Gorbachev attacks and use them to raise the banner of Trotskyism higher and broaden its appeal.
Gorbachevism wtll aiso have major effects on the international class struggle. How will this agreement affact the differant wings of European Stalinism and social democracy? Already Gorbachev has received fulsome praise from right wing bourgeois forces in Germany, including Strauss. If American imperialism tries to resolve the economic crisis by protectionism, then increased trade with the East will be an option for Wast Germany.
Already discussions on trade and disarmament in January between Shevardnadze and Koh! show that this process is taking place. Even Thatcher says Gorbachev is 'a man that we can do business with' and ensured that she met the Soviet leader on his way to Washington for the '87 summit, All this has implications not just for the ruling class but also for the European working class. Lavour .Movament forces in West Germany, Italy, France, Britain, including Tony Benn and Arthur Scargill, have fallen over themselves in praise of Gorbachev. Gorbachevism will have its effect on the European CPs and thence on the struggles which are breaking out in response to the deepening economic crisis. In Ireland a tendency by Sinn Fein to shift away from its general anti~Stalinism since the split with the ‘officials' has been discernable in Its attitude towards the trade union bureaucracy, its new anti~Solidarnosc line on Poland and its overtures fowards the CPI, 4) Thatcher's Project and the Third Tory Victory.
The Queen's speech after the Tory election victory in June '87 was the most radical and far reaching In modern times. [t rapresented the introduction of axtensive plans laid since 1979. The Tory project was always 4a jong term one which could not be implemented in only two terms of office. The first two terms were largely used to create the conditions, through confrontations with the working class, for the implementation of a range of measures which are now being proposed. The winning of a third term of office by the Tories was of crucial tmportance to British capitalism. Not because a Labour victory would have led to a division batween the employers and the Government, but because they would have been deprived of the momentum and continuity of @ project which is tailored to the requirements of increased profitabllity of industry in Britain.
Fayspactivas noe The Thatcherite strategy is a rcoundad aconomic, political and ideological attack on the working class. [If directly and indirectly questions the concansus of ‘tha poat-war settlement. [ts strength lies in its coherence and clarity and the political determination of its proponents. And it has had some success in increasing productivity and the rate of profit. :
The ruling class -gavé total support to Thatcher at the last election, believing in her ability to resolve the aconomic crisis in their interests and at the expense of the working class. This support, combined with the capitulation of the Labour and TU bureaucracy to Thatcher's framework, led to the Tory victory and a Tory government confident in their ability, to implement their manifesto, The manifesto represents a qualitative incraase in the attacks on the working class, including attacks on the Welfare State feducation, social security, health), the public sector (continuation of privatisation of nationalised industries, the functions of local government). Her aim ic to eliminate soctalism as a major force from Britain. BO Howevar the underlyiag economic crisis remains and the rasults of the stock market crash have exacerbated the situation, How far the ‘strong’ economy can defend itsalf against the likely recession remains to be sean, But what ts already very clear is that the increased levei of militancy in the working class, -in nine fcara), in areas without a long history of Strike action (teaching, local government, MHS) and in campaigns (FAB, Clause 28) slong with the widespread unpopularity of some of tha government's. policies <NHS cut backs, Poll Tax, etc) is putting the Tory Government ‘on the defensive. This in turn is opening up smatl but slanificant divisions in the Tory Party.
On NHS funding the Toriss are also diviced with the right of the Party wanting rapid and wholesale privatisation to create a two tier system which would be a complete break with the service as it was sef up. But they are all under pressura from beth health workers and public opinion. The workforce, @spectally these in lowar grades ‘ancilliary workers, nurses, but slso supported by substantial groupings of dectors, including top consultants and heads of Royal Colleges) want increased state funding to solve the resource problems in the NHS. And a very high proportion of the population (including 81% of Tory voters) think there should be more government money for ‘the Health Service. There is no doubt that this is the ona issue over which the Government could bea defeated. in education too, Government policies are coming ia for attack from workers and users. Baker has been defeated over the question of the abolition of the ILEA by Tebbit anc Heseltine. Despite the Labour leadership of the ILEA seeking to do’ the government's, job for them in implementing cuts (9000 jobs with a 10% cut ia funding agreed in mid February) there is no doubt as to the unpopularity of this aspact of the Tory. Education Btil. Thare is widespread opposition to other aspects too. According to the NUT, 7 out of 10 parents are opposed to schocis opting out of local government control On the Poll Tax popular opposition has alse led to divisions within the Tory ranks. Ridley is now opposed by Tories proposing a means test for the fax, which makes a nonsense of the Bill's atte emapt to snift the burden of local rates from the rich to the poor..
Lastiy (tha Government is aloo on the defengiva on questions of the secret state. A Tory private menber's bill to amend the Official Secrets Act had a Tory three line whip drawn up against it. There is widespread distrust of the events surrounding the RUC/Stalker affair. The failure’ of the Birmingham 6 appeal was widely criticised in the media. The Spycatcher affair still rumbles on.despite repeated defeats for the Government both here and in Australia, , 5) The Third Perce.
Despite an apparently disastrous electoral intervention and subsequent crisis of both wings of the SDP/Liberal “Alliance”, their 22.2% share of the vote shows that a third force designed to split the anti-Tory vote and keep Labour from office remaing an important objective of the ruling class.
The emergence of tha Social sand Liberal’ Democrats on a right-wing procapitalist pregramma is an important gain for the ruling class after the fiasco and disintegration of the “Aillance". It Is likely to harness the bulk of the “Ailiancets" electoral support and project ttself as a potential -slternative to both Tratcher and the Labour Party, whtist retaining the pocsiblity of « future coslition with tha latter. The more radical wing of the old Liberal Party will be ihrown inte crisis by the merger although the vote in favour of merger at the Liberal Conference sugses Sts thst this opnosition will not be strong enough to organise a seperate grouping, Oavid Owen end the rump SDP right-wing are clearly marking out the ground for a fourth party aimed specifically at the Tory welS and « poscibla Governmental coalition with the Tories in the post Thatcher era, To that end they have evolved further to the right continuing the process baran by Owan during the ealection campaign.
Sis of Leadership a) The Rise 2f Nes Roablam, Ducing tne late 1f7u6 reformist parties across Europe responded to the general economic _ SePrase sen ay embarking om austerity programmes and ‘crisis paneer aimed at improving the productivity of labour and the compatitive eeiltty of their own national capitelist economy This shift to the right, wheather in 2 to the right in the In Britain, the Callaghan Sovernmant capitulated to the damands of the IMF and the requirements of maintaining the pact with the Liberals and pursued a policy of austerity and wage restraint, The effect of this policy was the ‘winter of discontent’, a wave of militant struggles during 1978/93, Dinillusionment with Labour in government deepaned and the Teries, led by Mergarel Thatcher, won the 1979 General Election.
The failure of the Labour Government rasulted in a deep crisis in the labour movement. The right wing blamed the defeat on the ‘winter of discontent’ and deepened their class collaborationist trajectory. On the other hand, the left, including important sections of the trade union bureaucracy, were more responsive to the anger of the combative sections of the class and we saw the re-emargance of the ‘Bennite left' in both the
Parspac tives -tunions and the constituency parkles, The spectacular growth of the left opened up de ep splits within the Party and the bureaucracy and culminated in Tony Benn's challenge. for the deputy leadership of the Labour Party. A barraga of villification and red baiting by the bourgeois prees over many months failed to dent Benn's campaiga, which mushroomed into a national movement both inside and outside the Labour Party, But Bann's defeat, albeit by a hair's breadth, marked a turning point and the beginning of a revival of the fortunes of the right, ms emergent right was Known as the “new realicem™, If is not new but is very real. Its particular features are shaped by the nature of the Thatcher and by its ctrugglea against the laft on the ce Government on the one hand other.
In the trade unions new raalism was evident right from i979 despite the high levals of militancy and willingness Co struggle which existed in the working class, demonstrated by tha steel workers, rail workers, car workers, health workers and othars sections. If was shown in the betrayal of all thease secticns of workers but most starkly in the TUC decision to axpel ASLEF unless they returned to work and accepted management terms on flexible rostering., [f militancy daclined by the mid-t96805 it was partly because of the creation of mass unemployment, much of that as a result of the batrayals, but also because it was beaten down by a combination of the employers! and Government offensive and the consistent treachery of the leadership.
The most important s stage of the developme nj of the “new realism" in the unions was the betrayal of the NGA at Warrington. This not only opened the docr to the breaking of the unions in Flaet Street bet was a dramatic abandonment by the TUG of tfs own policy of oppogition to the new Tory anti-union laws and a dea facto acceptance of those taws without a shot being fired. It was only 68 matter of time before this position was Formalisad.
Thea minars' strike was a major opportunity to mobilise the class to dsafeat Thatcher. But the strike was isoleted by the TUC, trace union laaders and the Kinnock leadersip of the Labour Party which had rapidly moved from the soft ilaft to-malnstream new realism, Although the defeat of the miners was nok felt so sharply by thea rest of the ore ng class it rapidly consolidated this process and gava added strength to the new realism both at the level of the TUG and the Kinnock project in thea Labour Party.
The defeat of the miners' strike was a watershed. It led rapidly to the collapse of the local government strug Bale against rate-capping and the abolition of the matrepolitan boroughs. it als led ta a rapid recomposition to the right, wee & few honourable exceptions, througnout the labour movement, snd to a splitting of the Bannite left. Those who had given grudging supports to the yak rv long strike including ‘soft laft' Tu leaders, the Labour leadership and tha Huro-Communists, distanced themselves from the Scargill leadership of the NUM and Tony Bann, attacking the strike, its leacers and methods. Even those who had supported the strike, like Livingstone, realigned themselves to the right, linking up with Kinnock ane argues along with the LCC and Tribune, that the left should ‘save finnock from the right', { lad tc a consolidation of the New eta SaanS
_ Farapectives ~B- Realist project which moved from its isolation during the miners’ strike to centre stage afterwards, TU leaders like Edmonds of the G&M, Sawyer of NUPES and Tadd of the T&G all ampraced its ideology of ‘Heads down, don't fight, wait for a Labour Govarnment to bale us out!.
The prostration of the “new realists" in front of what they chose to sae as the strength of the Tory Government passed the initiative over to developments which were taking place to the right of the “new realism" self. The TUC repeatedly refused to take disciplinary action against enmond and the leaders hip of the EEPTU, who, along with. Murdoch, had organised the attack on the print unicnas at Wapping. Instead-of expelling them from the TUC and challenging the development of what is essentially US-type business unionism they collapsed in front of it, adapting the positions of the TUC in its direction. an The sweeping shift to the right of the trade union leaders in this period took the AEU (with the CF deeply implicated? to positions very clase to the -EEPTU through single union deals and special relationships with employers which are the hall-mark of business unionism. Now the TUC are preparing to andorse such deals in a further concession to the right. b) The Response of the Left.
By far the most important counterweight to the “new realists" in the trade unions has basen the Scargill leadership of the NUM. ecargill has held a . consistent class struggle line since the end of the miners’ strike, both in the NUM, the TUC and the Labour Party. He has stood his ground despite a oitter campaign against him by the “naw realists" in the NUM along with the Communist Party. His impor tant and princizled decision to stand for reelection and the remarkable victory he achieved despite the media campaign, and attacks from people like Dutfield and the South Wales NUM leaders who heve been a central part of the shift to tha right, can strenthen the left in the trade unions.
Scargill's victory, aiong with the stock market crash, have been major blows against the “new realist" project and symbolise a changeing mood inside the working class. The crash struck at the very basis of their project - that the Government is too strong and cannot be beaten, therefore we have to be "realistic" and avoid confronting it. The reality is that the Tories are vulnerable eccnomically despite the successes they have had since 1979 and the surpluses that this has created in the exchequer at the present time. An industrial confrontation at the present time such as that . at Fords will throw them into crisis and create a radically new political Situation in Britain, ; In our trade union work we have to siand with Scargill and the current he represents, whilst recognising if was precisely the political limitations of that current which were unable to resolve the political protiems of the miners! strike itself and avoid its defeat c) The Seft *Centre' Disolves into New Realism.
Tne radical response by the Tories to the decline of British capitalism has
Perspectives -2. hot found a parallel in the Kinnock leadership of the Labour Party. Wilit and the majori .ty of the trade union leaders who have rallied to Kinnock's project, have increasingly capitulated to Thatcher's framework. while i} consistently cefusing to support any section of the working class or opprassed who try to fight back against the Tories, - The reason for Labour's failure to exploit Thatcher's weaknesses or presant a credible altarnative is clear. Ib is not to do with the personal shortcomings of Kinnock or other Indivis leaders, although they remain cowardly through and through in the face of Thatcher's onslaught. It is bacause of the high stakes involved. The majority of the Labour and trade union laaders have realised that there are two alternatives before them - New Realism and all that if means in terms of craven class collaboration or class struggle, which has the danger of getting out of control with explosive implications, As fundamental supporters of the capitalist systen, the bureaucracy would cather weaken and divide the working class than contamplate a course of class action.
Since the election defeat, the @ in a row for the bureaucracy, innoack hes stepped up his (once way since 1963. His call for “individual socisli f in tarms if aver thare was ones and Gould's propos oa far. “workers share "ownership ca aha re in the losse after the crash!), tha ‘Labour Listens' campaign (listeni to Chatapars of Commerce) and the Kinnock/Hattarstey document with 1lts to tal accaptance of a market economy, which aven Gould found hard to take - all represent A renewed ortentation to the middle layers and ‘tne most comfortable, betteroff sections of the working class characteristic of labourism at ifs most couservative, It is also an attempt to win back the so-calad ‘middle ground’. which desartad to the Alliance, The retreat marks the complete collapse of the sot t eft into a canmtrca block round Kinnock, characterised by defeatism, a refusal to fight on anything, even, untt! very recently on such massively popular issues like derence of tha NHS, along wlth a throwing into question cf all Labour's policies.
The policy review set in motion by Kinneck beth undermines the role of conference to determine policy and al the same time allows wholesale changes in Labour's traditional positions on nationalisation, Clause 4, and tha more recent, but no less hard won gains on unilateralism, opposition to privatisation, council house salas, lesbian and gay cights, the move away from bipartisanship on freland ete.
Until very recentiy this wholesaie collapse on policy had left the PLP and the TU bureaucracy incapable of mak ing any headway at th : unpopular Tory policies and blunders. But the upsurge of militancy in early 1986 has maant massive rank and file pressure which is fercing the LP and TY bureaucracy to regpond, albeit hali-near sey. The crisis in the NHS, starved of funds by successive Tory Governments and the single most. popular aspect of the Welfare State, has produced a fighthack amongst ai! levels in the NHS, but most spectacularty amongst the nursas, with large numbers abandoning the ‘no strike! RON for NUPE and COHSE, Robin Cook's inttial warning to thea nurses that ‘strikes will be counter-productivat revealed the gut response of the bureaucracy to the increased wave of militancy. But in the face of widespread action both the Labcur and the TU leaderships have been forced to support the calls to action, if only to try and contain
Parspas tives “1)them, The strength of feeling amongst thea workfoarce combined with the populart ty of the campaign even forced the TUC to call a national demo for March St Similarly the London local goverrment Day of Action, original ly called for Marco 9th was moved a day “ear Lier to Fink up with a call by-the manual unions ‘instigated by the CP) for action on March 8th. This day, Initially cailed for by us through London Fightback was the most significant industrial action in local government far three years.
But most importantly of all the strike at Fords, after two ballots (with an 80% vote in some plants), rejecting a threa yeer pay deal along with complatea flexibility of working practices has pushed the T&G and the AEU inte support for the strike. Tha betrayal of the strike, however, was a serious blow to Ford workers, 11 me at the utrongest. point of the strike with the European piants closing down, It net only opens the door to the new working practices to be forcad in bul ft robbed the Ford workers and the rast of the working class Of a6 much ‘ngeded victory, This strike, although sold out by the union leaders has lad to other car workers following the lead of tha Ford's workers. Ganere! Motors and Ranauit have also had ballots rejecting their pay deals aud voted for action.
All these developments are be eg innit ie to open up divisions in tha TU bureaucracy. In NUPE, for example ‘between regional officers and the national leadership). The result of the TGWU elections are alse an example of this, Altnough they were more 4 de faat for the right and a victory for Ron Todd than a victery for the left. The naw leadership has rejacted support Tony Bann if he decides to stand for leadership of the Labour Party.
Ballot-rigging, which was again a feature of the TGWU election, has again raised serious political problems of democracy in the unions ie. the implamenation of anti-union laws. The record of the TGWU on this is new so bad that it directly aids the next stage of Tory anti~union laglislation.
We need to consider what initiatives are possible in the unions on the quastion of democracy, sven if this can oniy be on a propaganda level at the present time.
In the MG the witch hunt is being stepped up, with attacks against ctivists who are fighting Tory and right-wing Labour policies in fightback catpaigns, and in particular organising opposition to cute i local n A zovernment. This represents a naw stage in the witch hunt against the left.
TE is no longer the membership of a proscribed organisation that is the basis of the attack, but putting into action left wing policies against the Tories, But this change is contradictory. While it is true that Kinnock’s author ity has increased despite the election dafaat, partly due to the success of his organisational attacks on the more radical sections of the party, these wifch hunts are slso in response to the developing Struggle outside the Labour forty in the TUs and campaigns, which the Labour leadership is terrified will start to change the mood inside the party.
Our perspective ramains one of building, through LAW '86, a campaign which fights al} witch hunts, regardless of the political affiliation of the
’ — — :
Parapar tives victims. Tf it is to nave a chance of success, such @ cempaigsn naeds to he based on firm support in the MO and TUs, The refusai of much of the hard Jeft to even attempt to build such a campaign and of the soft laft to Oppose tha witch hunt, have meant that we have been unable to achieve much to date. Howaver, the new Sree ton OF the further extansion of the witen hunt and the sew wave of militancy, open up new opportunities for launching a broad-based campaign, i Kinaock's project is dependant on containing militancy within the new realist framework. But tha prassure from the wave of militancy has.: forcad TU and Labour support, if only to bry and contsin it. Any successas,. Like those of the Manchester nurses and the Blood Transfusion workers, will only lead to greater rank and file confidence and en underaining of Kinnock's project. ; qd) ‘he New Stage in the Radicalisation and Recompos sition of the Left and tha Chesterfield Movement.
The racomposifion to the right that fotlowad the defeat of the miners Allowad Kinnock to pull the Labour Party sharply to the right on pa This was facili tated by the witch hunt against the *Miiitant'! whom the satt left refused to defend. As a result of the realignments the hard left was isolated, smaller and on the defensive, Howaver it had > gone through a process of education and political clarification during and .af‘Ser strike, which made it relativaly tougher, miiay as 3 tne Grucial to this toughening up hse been the -small section of ‘the left leadership of the Campaign Group, with Heffer and Senn consistantly challenging the shift to tha right, if only in words. Until the reacant Chesterfield daveiopment thay had aot taken any steps to. organise their pace beyond this. fut the developmant of Chastarfieid, and the planned recall conference In June, alone with the increased militancy has begun fo change the sltiuation, The current upsurge of shru both in the Ts and campaigns represents a r i Q new stage in the Te ‘adic alisetion of the working class. Although they area at present located outside tne MO we can bea sure that they will have their atfects inside as well, though the ftimescaia cannot be pradictad., This process will ba considerably telped by tha Chesterfletd Movemant. [t has the potantial for providing a focus foc those wanting to fight tha Tories viol te vat the same time developing a soctalist altarnative to Kinnock fs and the new rasiist collaborationist project. In so dolng the movement witli J & hasten tne integration of tne miiitancy outside and the left instde tha MO, Tt could thereby become an important step towards the type of democratic class struggle lef! across the unions and MO that we ain to create. We will therefore fully participate in this movement ab national and locai levels, We will sim to push it towards consistent campaigning and solidarity activity combined with political debate and discusrion about stratea@y and programme. We see it as an intermediate and transitory movement, providing an umbrella for campaigning and debate which alms to ceagroup @ consistent heft currant across the broad Labour movement. To carry out these functions it has to move bayond being a mere network snd devlop a skeletal structure ; i i i 1
Parggactiyas “la and apparatus nationally, together with organigsed roots and supporters in the localities.
We will therefore argue for the recat] conference in Jina fo be primarily delegate based, committed to electing 6 democratic national structure, snd fer the conference to adept a broad policy ore tenon of aims. to that end we will elso participate in tha maton policy area grouns and the sectoral coufarencas on issues such as non-alignmant greets and socialism, loca government efe. Locally we will through Be take the initiative to bring together Chesterfield supporters and plan local conferances/programmes of meetings beth to help build the recall conference and aiso to continue put Iding the movemant beyond then.
Crucially though we will also alm to build up the activis: wing of the movement around three key areas: women for socialism, trade union , solidarity and black Lieeratic on, Women for socialism is already seen as being Chesterfield's womens section, and wa should ensure that at all national and local events it organises to ansure that women's issues are fully integrated. We should work to ensure that women for soc tal ism develops a profile locally and nat {ona liy through public meetings, arganising local groups, and solidarity with women In strugsie,.
On the trade unious, following on from the meeting organised jointly with the trade unton solidarity ntework with Benn and various disputes speaking in London, wa should eneure that solid links are built beatwean tha Chasterfield committee and ae solidarity network and a series of follow up initiatives are planned around support for workers in struggle. Wa will therefore also ensure that tha trade unions ara taken up centrally in local conferencas, and that we participate in the eee union policy group.
Finally, wa will alse initiate discussions with the best militants in black sections and other Slack campaigning ar oupss about organising black people in and around Chesterfield nationally and loceily. ff Benn decides to stand against Kinnock in a igaderchip election then the Situation will be transformed. On a rising tide ef struggles a leadership centest wiil iead fo an increased integration between tha two wings of the wo labour movement, where events al the moment are nok syachronisend. But aven if he does not stand thé radicalisation outside will Find its way info the party to nuild on the existing laff develomments. &) The Crisis in the CPGR The split in the British Communist Party, which is slowly taking place between Morning Star suppor ters and the Euros, is a gain for the working class and a gain for the left and for Trotskyism, since it will weaken both of the segments.
The Euros have been gradually expelling, or nol renewing the membership of the Morning Star supporters. Now the Morning Star/Communist Campaign Group has called a Congress which will finslise and formalise the spilt. They have been forcad into this because many CP members @ are drifting ous of the party as a result of the confusion and the bittarness generated.
Fergpec tives ~The 1 @ decleired aim of the Congress is to “reestablish a revolutionary party" ic), They have been electing delegates from their groups around the UTE @ on od oo country <inciuding some Eura branches) to what they cali an "open" Congress Preparatory Commi ttes which has cailed the Congrass “not to establish | new party but cast off the existing revisionist leadership™. I! will be held on April 23rd and 24th and the “main Sask" will be toe elect a new a@xecubive committee, This means the formstion of a naw party.
At the moment the CCG is tski ig@ntly wore militant Euros. But this needs to be qualified since tha Eurcs that this is not so difficult. They ora of ten the main supp a right-wing of tae Labour Party for examples, The CCG zenersl upporis Benn and the ieft of the Labour Party and the lefi trade union lesders. They defend Scargiill and Todd for example. In supporting the left bureaucrats i S i however, they adept their attituge to the rank-and-~the Ford strike ag a victory, se, The Morning Star cupporte noluding Perastroika ete. yet ters af the COG are guite diver tion of the Stalinigts in tha JSSR he OCG contains most of the old line Sta We need to ensure that wa gain as result of this split in British talinism, and we must use the rehabilitation of Sukharin and others to futher waaken their support and stengthen the tradition of Trotskyism, fF) The Special Tactic and Be in a vary ac Sod Que position in the MO and our projact in Be puts position to respond to these new davelanmants and ts advantage of the situation to continue to buiid the intransigant left, But we must break out of a cartein routinism which results from the downturn since the miners!
Strike in order to take advantage of fhe rai We must base our work im the MO on the developing struggles, forcing activists in the Mo to attend pickets, link up with NSS campaigns, FAB and Clause 28, inviting activists from strikes and campaigns to spe ; ak to “OO and TY branches.
We have to increase our resources inte Bs and ter it so that it too can relate to the new layers of milttants ¢ tr ik Although we have mede some progress in turnin a o the TUs and campaigns, this is uneven, Both tha overninen t unions and the teachers relate te BF, but WE make } ; idusivial unions, 3 cosy much headway within the ft 2 the effor's of our is quits good beacause of advantage of tne wave of militancy in these Pa anywhere else where strike action develops mos ae $0. . ca] ~ fo) w at 3 5 pos rts, > the MO and on demos we must always give 8% a higher prof is i ; Ee) ! dees lead to a witch hunt against us, The same applias to our journal, (ee document on thea press.) network puts us in 4a the pet waich occur as a i fregile Chasterfield { development, ith && ane!
The Limited succass good position to Link up with any developmen! result of this new radicaligation. and the Sol though it is, has already made favourable network, We should work to build and support > i Hi ! i j i
mn ire Perspacti Oo wf de which, evan if mot whet we would have organised, marks a qualitative step forward for the left of the Campaign Group. We have to bea part of if in order to try and win them to at least some of sur ideas, Our slogan For a United Democratic Left SiukS Up ine way we ‘think the left should be an organised in order to ulld permanent! structures out of thea _ Present militancy, As we argued at the ches tarfieid Conference, the tet CRA t call for democracy and accountability in the movement as a whole "without incorporating them into its own structures. Furthermore, a taft which is cooblad together between a few individuals will not hava the strengta that lasts, If looks like the recall conference in June will be on a delegate oasis and will alect a stearing committes, so perhaps we have had some influence on this Similarly, in the avent of Bena standing against Rinnock, we would argue that any campaign which is set up to support his candidacy should be open and democratic, sa that it ts acountanle to the leit as a whole, Tt is Significant that Livingstone has arrued that the LLL rump should form the hasis of such a campaign. Such an unaccountable and iumrepresentative body, which he can manipulate, represents all that wes wrong with the coordinations ovar the past period. Using such a body WOU relagate tne campaign to irrelevance. The significance of such a compe ign would not just be that Benn trias to win Gvyhich he wouldn't) but that L4 would consolidate and build the taft into structures which have been eee over the past period to be prapared to continue the struggle against the right after the end of the campaign. a Buf we: also have to argue ¢Chat the campaigns (hestarfield, Campaign for é i a Ls a Socialism, tec.) must base thamselves on the existing struggles, on the NHS and car strikes, on tha lorval government fight, on the fight to retain the ‘67 Abortion Act, on the Clause 28 battie and any others which develop.
Through B¥ and our journal we must carry this out oursalves. it is Likely i d that the left of the Campaign Group will place themselves at the head of 8 i I these develogmants, but we have to argue for this to be made into more Ons permanent organisations and structures If the strugelas that ar Use breaking out sre to have the re Be t u he eorganises itself. Workers can only cely on. is. imperative that . PE them out; Minnock and toe Labour leadership wilt a t le the TY bureaucracy to sell
Parapet tives 18 follow the same course, The crisis of leadersnip is a fundamental question = for tha working class and tne opprescad. At the same time the rebulid jtself and grow numerically and politically if i such struegias, building solidarity for each and every, babtite Tre left also ne@ads te davelep pelicy to provide an a tallendiag of the Tories by Kinnock.
Our long term prefect isto. build a class struggle MO and 5 Tus a part of the process of buliding a lesdershi an S$ acaquate te the tasks facing the working ciess. We naad to dis Lag Tare at in this process and use whatever levers are aval! table ld on wha ¢. exists although very important in We recognise that ial new develonmants I ' ; i at file of the lett will met in the 3 rebuilding th na political pro short term nan the democratically accountable, class strugaie organisation wa think is na cesaary. Therefore we will continue te build Ba groups, Our central project in. the MO over the next period remains the B project, B# is wali placsd to act as a pole of attraction for the best bh ) 3 a = ona a = a fay militants in the MO, TUs and campaigns, i! has proved an invaluable mathod of launching political initiatives, ang of organising a political current as tn the local government streggle and education, ‘n the FAR campaign and Women for Socialism. If has continued ta build lisel? a srof aie as the most consistent clase struggle current amongst the left. Witn the demise of 5S# and the rampant revisionism of #0, B* is new the only paper on the WO laft with tha capacity rer providing 4 correct line and regular coverages on Treland. .
We are faced with very good .possibilities for growth in the prasent situation. While we must completely shake off any routinism which remains we must not take om so many things chat none can be done proparly. We have to have a sarios of prioritias. , # Solidarity with strikes which break onl in the NAS, cars, Local aude providing a way forward for tnose in baw OO government atc, This should inc? dispute, wm s it bo ob wp “y m i “ 503) + D = & Opposition augh the building of broad © attacks on th based campaigns. * Defence and axtansion of democratic rights for the oppressed. Campaigns 2 x agains! Clause 28, FAB, anti~immigration and bisex rights. * International selidarity especially with those struggles lated with Bri itis sh Imperialism, for example Southern Africa and Ireland, # Fighting the moves te tae right In = MO and TUs. Intarvening into ‘the Policy Review and counterposing our action programme to toe increasingly t 8 Thatcherite framawork of the Laour leadership and opposition to ch witekihurt. “its and our profile in all the struggles both In the * Using #4 to ra Tus and MO.
Paraper tiyas ~l6- * Building the Chesterfield development in «6 non-sectarian’ way out of the above developments, bub pushing our conception of how to build it with the es a 5 res) # Daveloping the Colidarify Metwork and building on its Chesterfield movemant, g) Our work in the unions The work of Trotskyists in the trade unions in Britain has baen dogged by rapeated organizationsl and methodological mistakes. Thera have - been conjunctural adventures like the turn te industry, wrong fthecries such as rank-and-fileism, and destructive sectarianism and opportunist methods. Al this has taken a toll on the attempts by Trotsdyists to dev elop consistent work in the trade unions. Yet by its very ature work in the trade unions heads to be of a more long term character than, for sxample, wark in the me Tne miners' strike ts a case in point, The inabili tty of the far left io resolve the political problems of the miners‘ strike exposed the. long-term problems of the trade union work. We drew a nagativ 7a balance sheet of the roie of the far left in the trade union movement in Britain from the eutcome of the miners' strike. Wa nead to begin to tackle that problem in the coming yaar. We must ansure that our trade union work is al the centre to our approach to the labour movement as a whele, Ultimately the succass of the work we can do in the MO depends on whet wa can build in the trade unions, For us the struggle in the unions is a struggle for th working class against its existing reformist laadars, the strugeies in “he frade unions as wa did the minars'! stiri j popular ise our politics and recrvit to the organisation in a propagandis way but to see our “intervention as a struggle to win the strikxe thr struggle to-win the leadership of the action. tw a mo ao t om Be" ‘Trotsky pointed to the unigue authority that the trade union leaders hold in Britain. He argued that this is romted in the early davelopmant ot trade unionism in Pritain which took piace under conditions of British imperialist expansion. This authority has bean challenged ty spontaneous cevelopments of struggie but it nas never bean oreken. If remains in ifs i full force today and, along with ifs countarpart in the Labour Party, it remains the ‘orinciole obstacie to revolutionary davelopmant im the work ing class, The working cia ress as an exploited c class and an objectively revolutionary class. repeate edly challange capitsl but are unable to find a ravolutionary road, This makes the struggle of the working <class against capital insepsrabla from the struggle against the trade unicn bureaucracy which protects capital. Lt is for this reasen that we reject the simplistic approach of the “rank and fileism® of tne SWF and othar ultra-leaft conceptions of building a revolutionary party as an organisational challenge to the existing mass organisations.
We see our unlted front approach to tne mass movemant in Sritain as building a party inside the existing mass organisations, which will fight
“hiveg - ~|7- 4 or the Government, ranne when they be give a new side those who are prepared to fight tha siving an independant lead on the ara prepared fo go no further. This ea DAE amphasis to our work in tha teade unions, not in a way which weakens or dan prioritises tha work we are doing in the MG, bul i: es way which is entirely conplemerntary to th. , is being ths case we have to begin to build our trade union work on a naw bagis ani to consider how we can extend our penetration and influence [a the f uriiens, reccuit and davelop cadres, build up a record of struggis sat which can win tae 3 and build the basis of a naw renkwanee Mover political support of militants and chatlenge the right-wing and ‘he Stalinists for leadarship positions. This involves work in the trade unions of @ long term charactor whiten nuiids oases in sections of the working class througn constantly engaging in the dey fo day struggles of the working class and linking this ta our political tasks al a national and an intarnstional iavel. oS fa We ara in fscour of working and building a tase and a left current in ail unt ons including tha business Gand near business) unions Fiashlight, for examp.ia, has coe to exist and opposa Lhe penises of both Chapell and Hammcnd in the EETFUY for a long period, Tha AEG = Broac Left, but it is an electoral mackine controiled by the Stalinists and nof an organisar struggia, We have to develop cadres in thea mainstream Mew Reaiist/Stalinist comtrolied unions such as tos MSF, GMB, TGWU, NVPE, COHSE, and UCW. Thase form tha core of the New Raalist/Kinnockite project. Both the TGWU and thea GMB have initiated projects aimed at prasenting a new non-struggle face oc the trade union movement based on welfare banefits, cheaz helidays an cradit cards. a38 Py NUPE has imvecd in -the course of two years Trem a soft-left union which declared tha Barking hostital sicike as {its “Certen HWood* to 4 union opposed fo any form of industrial action and one which is at ths centre of the witerncnunting of the laft in thea Labour Party. & 7 hen ut In the TGWY the Kinnockite leadership of Ron Tocd aad Co has beatan off the challenge from the cight py e@ grouping led by Brian Nicholson and othars.
Thea reprasents a blow to tha right, but Ron Todd, not the hard left, is the beneficiary.
At the sama (ime we nead to build up cur forces in the most important union following a ciass struggle line in the British trade union movement ~ the NUM. Scargill's decision to stang and his victory fn the elaction was a maior success, but tha battle is far from over in the WUM with the rightng continuing to confront tne Sesargill line and with Pater Heathfleld's election not far away, We fave to give priority to work in and around the NUM and WAPC, in support of the Scargill teadership, agains! the right-wing and the Stelinists, whilst recognising the weakness in Scargtil's failure to organise militants into s national grouping, is a matter of principle for us te cantinue to support the victimised miners and to work with them sround initiatives such as the proposed
Pargnar tives “13+ national conference of victimised miners, In this it is s 1 wock in the National Justice Campaign, at national and regional leve oh, despite the efforts of the officials to wind if down, The radicalisation in some of the white collar unions has atse ba important. The elaction cf Mscreadia in the CPSA, the protracted struge of the teachers with ail its limitation and thea radicalisation in NALGO especially over the fight in local gcvarnmant. fe a om] , however, does not detract from the importance of work in Broad ormations whera they are open fo union ‘mambers. The STA, the CPSA Broad Laft and the NCU Broad Left are the bast asamples of this, eat the Sroad Latts of various types and importance axist In most unions. We should abt t to democratise Broad Lefts where they are rc Suen work in the union strictures if closed caucuses and to seat them up where there is a basis for them, We should try to snsure that they ere bodies which fight for a class struge! line in the union and take up and give leadership in the struggles in wh the union is involved. We are in favour of such groupings being organi: at local as weil as national level, taking up political as well as industrial icsues.
However, we have to recognise that aven the most important Broad Lefts, such as the CPSA and thea NCU have failed the test in important struggles.
While participating fully in these bedies we recognise that thera is a political fi ght fo ba taken up against the very nature of these bodies and their relationshin to major Puggle: in which the unions are involved. Tf necessary wa should build c $ a need to discuss the ewsect rx 4 st AUCUSES within them to fight for our line. Wa le B* should play in this process, At present the only serious cross-unian left organisation is BLOC, which is undemocratic and effactively a Milit 7 front. tlowever, as tong as it is an the only such organisation if wil ontinua to attract some militants, This may bea changad to some extant if che Stalinists attempt to rayvive moriound LCODTY, [nm secking the bect weys to develop ous work it will be necassary for us te have some intervention inte avents organised by these bodies, The movement which has amerged in the car industry has been evident for some time and is rocted in international ce velopmants in car manufacture world-wide as well ss the British political situation, The strings fo the Ford da@al are a part of an increasing internationalised employers‘ cifensive, using internationally devel ma techniques, We need to give a high priority to developing the hase we already have in tha Industry in the course of the praesent dispute.
The remarkable rank and file movement which has emerged in the health unions in defense of the NHS, though yet unorganised, has taken place against the most determined opposition from the leaders of those unicns against eny action at all. Now the pressure of the rank and file is having an effect, particularly in thea aftermath of the CONSE-called national dsy of action on March 14th We need to make the struggia for democracy ia the unions central to our work. In particular the struggle to break the white male domination of the labour movement. It is true that some unions such as the TGWU and the G&M
Parsoactivas ~}9- , o have taken new initiatives on the recruitment of women worke OPS, put they caré motivated by thea ioss of gembership those unions have sustained saad represent en attempS to find new areas of membership. .As an attempt to address. the plignt cof the millions of low paid women in nes areas it 1s .tckenistic, There have aiac peei attempts, ; Ces through in NALGO, to sat un black lisations, It is no c NALGO has the best racord a union for fomigration cases. We hava to th ways of ratsing the right 0 organisation of black and women vorkers in other unions. nciden sfully carriad Of ce Part Ly fi We should put forward demands and campaigns which take up thea interests of women, black and lesbian and gay workers beth in tarms of i and abuse at work and aiso through tusves which affect them espacial Ag f as abortion, nursery facilities, deportations or struesies such as Creuse cee a) oe rs We have given suppert to the Solidarity sh twork Sines it was sel up ah the Leeds corferance, This- has become an important area of our work. The Network provides a geod basis to do consiste ent on-going soliiar ty werk i the trade unions and prey ides a forum in wht Wwe van bul } i with important layers of industrial mils tents. i ce cy é i “ ne a bene Lory The Initiative which the Metwork hac taken towards the movement, hes proved successful so far. The joint Chesterfi puotic meeting was the first organised evant and was a modes fact thal tha Ches to Commitea is very positive work amd give 2 more 2 Bi qovenent, arfieid Gownlttea {fe proposing a8 . This development can quate trade union dimeasion ng “hha Chesterfield The trade union commission has begun to function ragularty in recant months, and this has bemun the reorganisation of the trade union work. The results of the trade union comelssion ara beginning to feac intc the group through the new trade union T@s and mailings. Now, however, the Commission neads to move on to organising our work on a more systematic basis, iE Some of the individual unten Fracticns tha teachers, WALGO and rail fractions, not at all, which needs to be improvad. hd) Local government The new situation facing local governmant ts a contradictory one. [fh is clear that the Tories plan is to destroy local government as we currently know Lt both ceroe the continued impasition of financial strictions, tae introduct the aducation pill, the noueline biil, the bringing in i ; corporations, the iocai government bill itself and the attack on lashbisr d gay vights through clause 26.
The sttampt to force to cacry out cuts bas so far been successful with every La Liowing through tae logic of Klanock's ‘dented shield’ policy and voting to pub thorough tre cuts
Passnactiyas ~29~ However, resistance has daveloped toth itn the council chambers with ovar one hundred Lendon councillers supporting a ‘no cuts’ 5 in the unions where there have bean a myriad of days of action, becak all~ co out strikes and the London-wide action on March @th and in the which has participated in occupations against closures, lobbies of councils and other actions. These threads have been draws together through ‘fightback’ groups which are undoubedly a key component of the daveloping resistance to the Torias, While the struggle on these matters is more developed in London , it is not at all confined to {Lt and over the past months we have sean developments in places such as Manchester, Brighton and Birmingham. The recall London Fightback conference on April 9th reprasents the next step in generalising these devlopments. , Write the focus of the struggle so far ontside Scotland has been on ‘he uastion of cules, and alse on tha spacif 3 lesbians and gay men through clause 28 of the lo: % different pieces of lagislation come into focus there will bat? opportunity and the necassity for crganigsing sround thease i bringing naw forces into the struggle.
Wea are in a key position to lead and influence thes sa davelopments ln a way no oither curemnt is both because of our special Vactic, our imptantation in NALGO an dour work in Bt. This is bath an ortuatty to build our tL 5 opp organisation and an onerous Seen EY Comrades sheuia refer to the specific text on local government being produced for co nferenmce, i) The Struggle in Scotland (to ba added) 7) Student York As part of the ruling class offensive the Tory Government is spending a considerable amount of time attac king "the education system. Thelr overall perspective is to create a higher education system open only a the ve in profit making private instibutions, whilst turning further ucati into false trsining echemes to convince the unemployed that if they so on a certain scheme and get a cartain qualification then they will be able to get a job, o o The Tory government therefore has a continous programme of reform for the aducation system. The [ntroduction of City Technology Colleges aims to create a division amongst the black commun d by and create a black ski A working class layer.The preposais for schnols to opt out of th Eduucation Authorities has the aim of ‘reintroduce ciag selection into che aducation system: certain schools will be for those going on to further and higher aducation wiile other schools will bea filled with working clase youth, The privatisation of Polys is designed to remove them from the control of local councils ane fo craate profit making institutions, which do not offer social sciences or the arts. The next stage is fo introduce a system of loans rather than grants into thea higher education system. This will have the affect of. clos any opportunity for working class youth to anter higher education frem the M.5.C, ,whose role is fo provide a cheap pool of tabour. class is preparing to launch this attack a foe oOo: ty 7 io be &
ay to by consistently dev alutag students, ot a ty CQ “3 fad a x. om in since 1979 the aa Changed with the introduction apprenticeshics. We are now facad with the fec will ga on @ course at a college of one kind or anothér, This is -not howaver retiacted in the makeup of the NWS which discrimifotes against part time end non-higher education stintenis whe tenc fo be more left-wing and tnereforea a base for SSIN (Socialist SPucent s in NOLS 3. ture of people entering further or ar education has of M.S.C. sSeonemes aad the erosion 9 nat over 51% of under 26's t n neither of our groups had an intervention of aay the student » nor did wa have a worked out tical line en it. Since the fusion cur student wor, has provided us several new members and we have devaloped a pruperly functioning student fraction that has successfully intervened into all national student woe {is At thea present time our student work is almost completely confined to work j ev education. Over the last 4 years we heave asen a swing to the bigher education. Many universites and poiys have been taken over by the conservatives, Uigher aducalion ia still an isinortant srea of work for two reasons, Firstly, if is a aocd source of new mambers and sacondiy beacause once we have mansged to build a current inside the student. movement we can use the structures of N.U.S. area committees to intervene. into sixth forms and F.E. colleges, So eanable us n By the time this dccugen: comes to be voted upon the ieadership of NUS could well have changed hands, at the oeresent time Democratic Left (Kinnockites)> in alliance with the C.P. (Euros) control tne NUS, Until this yeer DL had manegecd to contro! MUS on its own,.The mejor force opposing UL is Socialist Students in NOLS {‘SSiN), At the lest NUS conf tha differen: between Damocratic Left and SSiN was Lass than one college's vate, Our perspective has been firstls do by building the campaicn a colleges to the Labour woven and ‘coniaur housing and poli fax as weli as wider nO ~ interns ‘ ON: solidarity caupaigns, FAS, snd campaigns of Af, the ant we have strong bases in two polys -we hope to axtend this to six bases oF the emi of 1988. y to Suiid bases in collegas, This we aim te inst SERB LLL and linking tha campaign in viby. We bake Bp emp as Ens on i pa on Tnside collegas we soe 4a major ef our work as belng to intervene inte MO Clubs, inside MO Clubs wa rua Por tae club to tura:itgelf . outwards rather than taking the forin of a debating sectaly, and to campaign. around the istues above. An important part of cur work is ta fisht for the clubs fo link up with the laff in the towns and cities thay are pas 20 An. _ bus We 2: as ¢ for BO Cwrta have organiged joint Me wlub clubs be defend MOYS from the attacks “of the "KO operate through Clause 4 and LOC youth in MOYS), 4 f We have intervaned st a astional level af the student movement as pari of SSin, We nave characterised SSIN as an #0 front. It has a curreach Line on how to fight the government attacks on educabicn and thus attracts a jot of : i : } i 3 i i } j i i } i
Parapectivas “22studants., At thea same time hoewaver if has apalline posi tions on anti~ imperialist questions, 1% still nevertheless aftracte larga cumbers of students towards class struggle politics ‘{ Students join SOiN not because of its position on Palestine but because Gf its stratesy of how to fight the attacks students faca.
We therefore intervene into SSiN at a national leval. At presant we sre allowod to presant minority positions inside SSiN publications and are aliowed to argue for our positions inside SSiN, If this caased to be the case we would reevaluate our postion within SSiN. We have also taken #0 up politically on points of adi fference such as Palestine and salf organisation of the oppressed. it is a purely tactical question as to whether we form/joln S5iN in individual collages cor whather wea orgenise the left tn another form, Our aventual strategic aim must be fo build 8 class struggle left wing inside the student movement. At present tha forces that would be invelved in such a project associate thamselves wi t The FE sector presents us with certain preblems, Whilst the student Pi spactive cf intervening through NUS sr@a committaes, this raction has 4 par Strategy will in the long term. In the short term a propagsnda intervention into FE and sixth ferms linking YTS, JTS, and student provide results. At fhe same time we Shou iid point oul the bourgéoiste's wiole offensive arainst youth (MSC, the family etc, - The changes in benefit Uinkes to the introduction of Student Loans wil home ey {yap youth in the family and on extremely low rates of M.S. hame pay. cw) ba go 7 a a) ae In Manchester #0 have turned their fightback mpaign around sixth form colleges with considerable success, Comrades involved in fightback campaigns should attempt to do the same, MOYS branches that we have influence in shouid attempt to intervena in colleges in their area. &) The The Struggle of the Oppressed a} Women's Liberation (to ba adedadd we Db) Black Liberation Although we heave debated at same hengho {ne Tories’ plans for the inner blo cities ie. based on moves towards a fuli-blown market economy, we continue fo lack a _ perspective based on black neop tas" role within it, In fact, thease plans invoitve a recomposition of the existing ractal structure which enables upport to be co-opted from both the white working class as well as eu the black middle class, nationalists and religtous fundamentalists.
Gr aducation, it is apparent from the Dewsbury and McGoldrick affairs tha the Tories! segregation policies have support not only on the basis of racism but also from sections of the black communtty, Within the context of a poor labour movement response to the aroston of public: sector education, the ‘independent’ black tert have not been able to create a basis for the mobilisation of the black working clase. oe Qn housing, a marginaiised section of ithe wore lng ciass ‘which in fact includes lar numbers of the white working class) are made to baar the brunt af tha economic crisis in credr to maintain the living standards of
Farapec tives the more privilaged layer of the working ciass., These aj at i gitimised by attacks on the black working class, for example : for the black fy : and Tower Hamlets. “Tory policies Rowavar anable sections community to be bought off throuwrh direct funding, for housing associations.
In order tc understand the Tories’ aftack and pot if is necessary to unders stand the black work tes fonship to labeurism and welfare pit From tne white working class, Black rapresented in low-paid, public sector backbone of dependent on ia. movement. This tre: al, monn e hand, the black work oe AS forced to look to th th and the labour oureaucracy, whilst en the other the decision masking process by the bureaucracy ‘racial division of lebour', The slightest challenge to tnrat aivision of vabsur, ty in the sector of k ¥ state provision, undermines the very social basis of ths bureaucracy itself, That ts why all attempts to bulld black self-organisation in the trade unions will be v igorously $ os 2 5 Lets f tee lapsour movement and suosecuant is BPrORMS veastiens of at Sims OF ERG Lao 0! RINE BNO, SUOSEGUIMNL LY, STOUNaA QUES rLens or Sy i 3 7 a z pecialiv within the race the formatien of the ! 2 c a watershed because it breaks dawn the clientealist relationship and f rovides an impetus for black } by cect fons of the la fen fo the labour buresucracy piece Community-based campaigns aren also ryaning out unstable consti! ¢ basa and the ccele of their i @ the sevial/politi working class, author lty cubs, prive Amnesty international s ren ting «0 preceds at woich can built on, provided wa on batwean toe united front and pooular front
Perspactivas ~td~ in addition, our tasks must cantre on developments in the trade unions which hava opened up 8 new range of strategic opbions in their response to racism. The gicious attacks on the public sector heve resulted in unions instead of the hostility operated {n pariods of grawth, being forced to racruif bleck mermbers anc rely on thetr militancy curing struggle. The sidue of the black section developments its that the clock cannnet now be turned back oa the question of black workers’ role in the trade unions and the rele of anti-racist policies and practices in the trade union movement. c) Lesbian and Gay Liberation The guastion of lesbian and gay rights will be one which continues to ba at the forefront of British politics. Clause 26 of the local governmen! bill marks 4 new stage in ruling class thinking; liberalism is definitely sean as having gone too far and it is necessary to clamp down, On the other hand the fact that, despite gaing within the labour movement, we have had the Hewitt letter, the spactacie of many Labour authorities whe have pioneered aqual opportunities policies implementing cuts means thas they aise ealculsted, cightiy, that there will not be much strident opposition from that quarter.
Whether the lasbi and gay movement {] ifself strong encouzh and has enough support at the roots of the labour movement is what will determina this battle. So far tha indications from the breadth of the ressonse are good but the scale of the attack makes fighting -for principled unity and = labour movement orientation more importent than aver, ss, Wa know ncil meeting is.is very and positive How things will pan out cver tha naxt year is diff that the Tories in Usringeay have requisitioned a when if is likely the Giause will have compieted it Likely wa will be faced with eariy court action wii images in the fore again.
Intervantions are being planned for NUT, NALCO and probably NOI conferences, Work around lhe clause will be the focus cf the work upto Labour Party cenference where LCLGR will be pressing for a dabate on tha Clause.
Organising non-compliance, working in particular defence campa igns and many other tactical issues on which «.- will have to bh: i will emerge over thea next months, Wer is it poesibie ‘to “know battle is fought whether we will be facad with furthar ancroachments 1967 sexual offences act. There will be an increasing number of the straets, af work and in tne courts. Apart from its actual leg the Clause nas (iaid tne basis for an increase in bigotry. c massive mobilisation will limit the scope of this, bat never the Likely ta davalop. This means that ongoing werk in the aboue moOveMent porticu ularly in the unions, becoma: even more vital, Dafance of lashian and gay rights must increasingly be seen ag a ta Fr <t isi) sh 2D Fa] 2! — ii im 2 x for the whole organisation, Our comrades have a Long standing raputation as leaders of the movement, particularly through our work im the leadership of the Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights <(LCLGR) and the Stop tha Clause camapian, But the srganiaat ton as a whole will not benerit from this unless this work is saen
Parspac tivas “35~ bo pe backed by group, We na p more syste cur prass, nob jusi around the Clause bul arotur more Stratewic theoretical material. We need to be seen as the people who consistently reise Clause 25 witnin the MO anc TUs and fighting for affillation to LOLGR. We need a visible prasence particularly through BE on Sil Mmoadil:sabions arounc i i carry through these fasks we nced to plan and davelop aducat within the group beth locally and nationa lly both on conjuncture questions, ametic coverape in 9) Intern 3 eo ational Seiidarity A fundamental and central part of our perspectives is our international solidarity work. AS en international nies as aati son “tivis means building the widest posstbie solidarity with $1as eins| imperialism and bureaucratic We will allocate a comrada to be involved in tha non-alignmant camoaign and ain t2 use this as a vehicle for constant HATO, antivimperjalist propaganda. We will continue to dc what we can to aid the devalopment of the world movemant and its sections “9 the While wea try to raspond ss an organ tay develoomants of the warcld class strugeis, it: is essential thak we br ild long term in @ number of areas, irrespeclivea of the ups and downe of the struggle. We ara trying to deepen our work in twe particular areas at ‘this fime, both of them central to 3 British Imperialism ~ Irelend and South Afr ica Tre uprising in Palestine has crea tec new condilions for us to upgrade our intervention by involving greater nuab comr adios in fhe seilidarity work, develop ing am educational programma on 5 duiidiag the appropriate structures within the ove systematic participation of the organisation as a4 werk and in defance of the victims of zionist i iA or ots, Our aim is to organise our international work through regular Pune t ion ing Vv f teams, which have aS an essential] pare of ftnetc work writing fer our journal and th at Be and rasourcing education for tha whole organisation, Ligigon with sections of the WM will be ongoing. adSouthern Africa, This araa of work should remain a cantral, parmanant part of the group's work, More clearly than aver British imperialism plays the major role in propping up the apartheid rezime, particularly in th C field, However Thatcher vigorous stand against sanctions at tha L9Q7 Commonwealth summif and her urging of British firms ta expand thei rt that the Tory government finds Itseif tnereasingly isolated. Along wit and it raprasent: the chief waew link of British imperialist t dominat jon, . . ag it
Fergpertivas ~26o In tha face of this stend, it is necessary for the ocganisstion to resffirm our position of being in favour of government sanctions, while fighting for waorkers' anctions as the only affective way of cutting links with tha apactheld ragirs. he TU commission and tu fractions should discuss how to bulid support for the struggie in southern Africa in our tu work sand through this move towards workers’ san ctions. To this end direct Links with COSATU unions should be built and campaigns similer to Rail Agsinst Apartheid davelopad in the unions as well as encou irag ing direct section where possible, rj S » uy Since eS _there nas bean a major upsurge of the mess struggle in Seuth Arrica..
Popular community-based forms of struggies led by the ANC have been accompanied by the massive growth ef the independent non-racial union movyarent anc 3 major step te wards their unification through COSATI. Massive rapression fas taken its toll of the activists and the level of the struggle, but he trade unica organisation has remained largely intact, as shown by the miners strike, the most important industrial dispute in South Africa’ S history in August i987 ct rs 2 b i 3 In Nanibia there has been a growth of SWAPO mobilisation in the last two yaars.
This has Seen in conjunction with the resurrection of the National Union of Namibisn workers <(NUNW) and thea setting up of four new tmions ~~ the Mineworkers Union of Namibis ‘(MUN >, the Namibia Public Workers Union <NAPWUL Metal end Allied Workers Union (MANWU) and tha Namibian Food and Alliad Union ‘NAFAU)., There has also bean an escalation cf SWAPO's military activity through FLAN (Feoples Liberation army of Namibia) against SA military and economic astablishments in Namibia, ee forces’ fighting against the apartheid regime this includes ARC, National Forum, COSATU, NACTU, PAC and SWAPO. We also support pluralism within the solidarity movement (tha right of ail these currents to be heard, Howaver this dees not gan we are ‘aven- pansee in the. " importance we accord fa thease forces. Today the ANC and SWAPO ara overwhelmingly the strongast factor in the itberation movement in tha region, COSATY is tha main vehicle tn tue vital task of unifying the trade union movamant, .
This is why we pricritica our orientation towards tne COSATU unions. In particular wa sask to develop the cranings that we have be een ma of in relation to NUMSA through building tha NUMSA support greup and solidarity with the BTk- €; & Pe eB { Sarncol workers in this country.
We also want to continue to build the work around developments in Namibia -in support of SWAPO's struggle for indapendance and the new provincepencence trads unions, working So build NSCts national campaign.
Daspite the massive opportunities tor building a mass solidarity campaign in this country the AAM remains incapable of doing this uncer its super-Stalinist f leadership. The AAM leadership is particularly incappble of developing the massive suppor! for the Southern African masses in the black population in this country, wee em
One of the most important potantisl devalepments that migh’ challenge the AAM’s leadership's orientation is that of Youth AA groups and their attempts ta bulla themseives 8s a sationel currant. We will support these d: relopuents, developing an effective prepaganda intervention to aesist our comradac involved, Although this may cow be changing, struggles by sects af the labour movement and oppressed have been apisodic since 1979. The government fias bean able te deal with @acn crisis, one af a Sima, before moving on to the next confrontation, The one area of government rule thet oas been in a state of continuous politice) crisis since Thatcher camo to powar has been Ir ag Seven years after the hunger strikes, British imperialism has yet to ‘normalise! its rule in ‘the six counties, it has not yet succeeded in its aim ef crushing or ttarginalising cuaport for the S strugsie; it has not haltad the : ibical development .of .the leafs in a process af this struggle feedin:
Britain, Notning nas demonstrtaad this stata of afalre more clearly than the impsct of the decisions on thea snoot-Lo-kil irmingham Six in January this Faced with the cho of tuiPillin ‘s thea hourgecis nationalists’ mild expactatio that the Hillsbor ough Agreement would iead to minimal, token gestures towards ‘fustice' ane iving unqualified backing ‘o ‘its own repressive apparatus - even where this Re openly covering up for gross {llagatities ~ the government had no hasits tion in going for the latter, The cutrage against this coincided with une upsure@e in the class strugzie In aariy 1988 - showing tne cantral rcle that Ireland will play in the political crisis of tha bourssotsie and the. « dave lopment of class struggie opposivian, 3 oi QO 24g The real aganda of the accord ~ ifO% concagsions by the nationalists. and precious little from imperialism ~- could not have bean kept ar WORDS | for evar, Tha contradictions if represents are new out in the open te tne anguis ef its Trish ‘nationalist’ and British Labour supportars., Bul at the same time thers has bean no serlous diminution In support for Sinn Fetn, The ish anti- imperialist movement still retains the pote: L for the kind resurgence sean in 1961.- axamplified by mobliisations in the 26 countie: Bgainct the recent ma fak’s and in the § counties through the founding of a united front steer ing committed to commemorates the 20th anniversary of the Civil Rights strug ale.
In Britain, the Labour laacership's wholasale andorsemint of the Accord, the post- Enniskillen repression and tha witch Aunt against Livingstone and tha prowithdraval Jeft bas not rolled Dack any of the gains of previous years. On the contrary, the trish community in Britain is more polificaily conscious and confidant now than aver. There's no hast ing tha @ebats that has bagun in the unions on treland - with two unions backing withdrawal and widespread interact in employment scrimination, The main sethack nas been local Labour councils reneging on thei Trish policy through atte funding for trish groups and targetting the trish in thelr cuts. There is aise a crying need for the left to mount an offensive agrainst the party's line of uniiy by consent, particul: f
Pav aoad tives ~23that If has bean expesed as propping up the Accard, the loyalist veto, extradition and rapression, it is essential that tha organisation and 2% gley a central role in educating, organising and mobilising the left around the major opportunities that exist over the next year or so to tske ; of the crisis of imperialism and the bureaucracy on this isue and lay the sas for a broad-based, damocratic, mass withdrawal movement. We are particularly weli-placad to do this through our position in the Labour Committee on Treiand and Labour Women for Ireland and the good relationship wa have tp a layer af activists and organisations on the issua, te a) Tha twentieth anniversary of the civil rights movement ard the troops Ging in will be commemorated a@ by a ear ef Action starting this Summer and cuiml nating in a major broad-basad “withdrawal march, The breadth of forces sat will mobilise in salf-activity and united act hivity during this year} the potential for serious involvement by the women's movement, ihe black community, youth and students, among and centrally, of course, the Irish community - is already Wa must make this work a major prierity and fight for the to do likawise.
I .) & b) Alongside this we must increasingiy fight for Ireland to be raised centre ay in other struggles that are going on. Militants should ba educated and motivated to pe able to take if up where they are rather than simply seeing if as a separate area of work which involves bacoming a spacialist. This way the roots for trish solider: ty can be planted in all spheres of the laft, the labour movement anc the campaizas of tha oppressed. This has alr gady happened to an extant in relation to loca! eovernment, FAB ani the women’s movement, antiracist/black liberation campaigns, miners’ solidarity, statdent/youth work, The process must bea deepenac and driven further. We hava to fignt for tfrish solidarity to be a cantral feature in thea programme of activity of all united frronfe of the left from the Cempaign Group of MPs downwards, Of particular e importance is ensuring this occurs within the ‘Chesterfield movement, c mw fi tev a co) Part of both of ea will Involve building specific united front campaigns on strip Se : we; the Birmingham Six, Guildford Four, Maguires, Judith Ward etc: employment dis Yion; plastic bullets, PPA - locally and nationally, u ad) All branches must ensure they discu the issue and examine involving comrades in local LCT branches, LWI and other campaigns where appropriste 8) The ieadership must ensure thet Ireland figures centrally in its discussions and in the publications, forums and other public activities of tha group, oe ny fy Resources should be put into supporting the work of the Trish section through distributing its journal; encouraging comradss to ge to freland for major avents and ensur lng that whenever thay do so they contact the saction; discussing ways of helping the Section through raising finances etc,
Paranec tives -29- The uprising in Palestine - the most widespraad and massive since i935 - has aroused sympethy for the Palestinian str ruge le which has built on the funcamental shift in attitudes that resulted from the brutal invas Lebanon in i982.
These avents in 1982 created conditions for tha setting up cf an anti-zioniat campaign vased in the labour movement, which quickly attracted suppert from left f anes MPs, Por the first time, the long history of support associated wilh left MPs, was irradimably broken, & daspite S achievamnt, the possibilit of buliding a mass campaign were limited by the clive situation ~- dafeat {ne PLO and the crisis that ensuad - and alin py tha strategy of the domi faction in the PLO office (atan?> which favoured tha huilding of several r arganisations tc tailor and assist tne diplomatic manceuvras of the PLO idadership. ; Today, the uprising in Palastine provides us with as good a climate as we ill yer geal for mobilising new layers into solidacily work and for raising the issue or gionism throught the labour movement. w Note; the (C referred tha following santance for further discussion) Far this, we must increase cur input inte fae Labour Movement fs for Palestine ~ beyond the dRandful of comrades already inveivad - in order to build the solidarity mavament and es the vehicle to raise our profile and politics on the Palestinian Issue, Uniike other solidarity work, the Palestinian qn ahaa can prove ai daunting prospect for many comrades net femillar with tha issues involved. Mob only would they have to confront zionists cf all shades but also the two-state stalinists and liplomatic manoeuvras of the PLO wilh the support of right wity toot pa cho & a.
Systematic eaves Fon - oF 8863ng cog in particular - is assential (Cs pare us for these tasks. Given ada aquate rasources, we can be in a position te lay & leading cole in a key area of anti-imperieliat soladarify work from which most of tha left {is entirely absent ‘fexcapt #0 who devote vast rascurces ining their cadra toe curry favour with tne zionist), rs _ a. & uw ae A be Sur immadiate tasks must aust be fo create conditions tor areater invelvemant of rae i an increasing aumber of comraedes on the issue of Falastine. For this we need: # The formation of a middle east commission which will be responsible for developing ant leading our work cn the middle east - primarily calestina * Use the next summer school to start aducation on all aspects of the E x -ordinatad draw up a detail novemant, a S Palastinian struge le.
C action between the ME commission and tha student commission to ile i d strategy including written material for use in the student
od — Payag: the ie ¥ Te # Following the necessary education and discussion, a prepared CC item which will lay the bacis for our political parspectiva on the Palestiniea struggle and our strategy for solidarity work.