Bryan Gould was demoted by Kinnock for all that, and removed from the industry portfolio - the same way Mi hael Meacher was demoted for still de fending some trade union rights.
Labour went into the last election with the most orthodox economic team we had since 1929. All the talk is now that won't allow anyone like Prescott or Gould any economic portfoSo if that is the case there is the basis here for a long-term workint aret bement and community of interest tween the hard left and the soft left, on questions like defence, Europe, rejection of the Maastricht accords, the environment etc.
But the key thing here is the attitude to the unions. The left can't vote for any candidate who is calling for the ending of the trade union link. Prescott is in favour of keeping it, so no problem we can all vote for Prescott.
As for Gould, it depends which way he comes down. There was a good letter in the Guardian last week out democpae . Taps hine But ote less Bryan Gould openiy comes out on this question we can't vote for him.
But there's another question coming up before this election, and that's the debate on the Maastricht accords. Part of that is tying Britain to the Exchange Rate Mechanism, and this quite clearly means, as the Campaign Group said, a deflationary policy putting another milcall for the Labour Party to vote against the Maastricht accords. And we want to see people like Gould and Prescott, if not actually voting against the accords, then at least criticising them.
The Campaign Group has a block of votes which could determine the outcome, at least on the deputy leadership election. So we should something for those votes. demand that Gould and Prescott alsc come out axaunse al waeh nunts. Bryan Gould's main organiser is Nigel Stanley of the LCC, which is precisely the body organising a witch hunting campaign against own constituency for standing in the deputy leadership election. But surely Gould is compromised by years of clear support for Kinnockism? WHICH is precisely why without some clear commitments, to the union link and stopping attacks on the left, voting for him. Is coalitionism really being prepared? Or it just fantasy? YES, for certain. The whole of the Guardian/New Statesman type of "left' are talking about it.
It will be delayed if Labour's support begins to pick up, but as we approach the next election, if there's the slightest from the doubt about the outcome, the right wing in the party and the unions will start to demand an electoral pact with the Libe rals.
Frankly, it's not realistic to expect that MPs who had no qualms about supporting the killing of 100,000 Arabs in the Gulf war will be disturbed about an electoral pace with the Liberals! We should dangerous decade, ng in Europ it, but the danger is there. left? another capitalist class organisation. which one they'll choose. movements. Bernie Grant in his to choose sides l more like a then there's no point in Brazil, or ountry and political situation is.
Baker
YES, we have meetings all over the country. And beyond that there will e plenty for socialists to d.
C ceneoneamosurouentan the world is being torn apart. There's the most massive crisis in the ex-Soviet Union and castern Europe as well as the third world, and a real danger of fascist govemments arisJuring the last period when the U and British economies were in crisis, capitalism was sustained by Germany and Japan. Now, Germany's economy is turning down and there is the banking crisis in Japan. Just one major mistake and you'll get a slump. They may avoid What are the key tasks for the THE FIRST task is to preserve the trade union links with the Labour Party. Without those links the Labour Party would decline into just party, and that would be a massive blow to working The second is defence of the welfare state. If's quite clear now with the financial crisis of the state that either the government has to cut back sharply or defence spending, or deeply attack the werrarestare, алало рписотот gucsiy ganisation of the socialist and labour There's not the sligntest doubt now that capitalism now is totally globalised, and to respond to that the socialist left has to build genuine rank-and-file links between working people, not just trips round the world for top parliamentarians and union leaders at he expense of the Second International. t's question of building links betweer working people in struggle to stop then being divided by the multinationals.
The period when the world was divided ideologically, and that you had xetween different states, is now over. We are entering what is which means one where the working class has to build its own internationalism.
I think that in the next period of crisis if you got a single breakthrough, like Lula winning a presidential election in Many broadly anti-capitalist then the whole situation would explode force making a major breakthrough, When you had Nicaragua standing up, or f'eru defying the IMF, then these laces were small enough to be crushed ut it would take just one anti-capitalist force to come to power in a major which couldn't be casily rushed, to divide the world on intern/ tional class lines. That's how turbulent and fragile the international economic Interview by Phil Hearse and Patrick KEN LIVINGSTONE's decision to stand with Bernie Grant in the leadership contest was absolutely right. For the left to he down and play dead in the post-election situation would be disastrous.
As Ken Livingstone points out, the 'shadow' election campaign now gives the opportunity to rally lelt wing and socialist forces against the righit and now realism.
The comments that Livingstone makes in the interview about the turbulence of the world situation are well-judged. Stalinism may be at death's door, but to interpret that as some tinal victory or stability for world capitalism would be wrong. The uprising in the United States and the mass strikoe in Germany are the first signs of the stormy period wo are moving into.
Socialist Outook supporters will do everyüting possible to promote the campaign of meetings and ralles which Ken Livingatone and Berie Grant will now hold. But we have strong resorvations about the tactical course which Livingsione outlines for the left.
in the lirst place, there are no conditions in which the left should vote lor Bryan Gould in the leadership election. Gould is utlerly compromised with years of support for Kinnockism and the wilch hunt. Of course, Ken Livingstone lays down strong conditions for supporting Gould; but to imagine that Gould wil come out and oppose the witch hunt is unrealistic.
But this is an indication of a more substantial disagreement. Livingstone Implies that a third of the PLP can be won to the loft, and that the Campaign Group must have a strong orientation to building alliances with the parlamentary "soft leff" - what we would prefer to call, at best, the centre.
But in the end Labour MPs reflect the pressure of their base, and the strength of the Labour lelt nationally. Most of the 70-odd new MPs are a Kinnockite levy. and the Labour left is very weak. The Labour left could oniy be rebuilt as a result of substantial developments in the class struggle. That is why any new alliance of the left needs to base itsell on the forces in the unions and mass campaigns, as well as the Labour left, which are key in luming the situation around.
The Socialist Forum being launched by Ken Livingsione must be judged from this angle. It it remains at the same level as groupings like Labour Left Liaison and the Womens Action Commitlee, esentaly concerned wilh inner-Labour tacbon fighing, it will be still-born. If it becomes a much broader alliance involving lorces based on class struggle, then it could be a substantial step forward. No.21 May 16, 1992
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