The Presidencies of Ronald Reagar nd George Bush have been described as a period of "conservative-capitalist overdrive by influential maverick-conservative analyst class tilt in a less democratic and social reform-oriented direction, adopting olicies overtly favourable to the big usiness elite Foonomic imbalances and ineguality grow rapidly in such a period. Despite his conservative views, 'hillips analvsis is accurate.
Economic restructuring has created a devastating reality for many industrial working class communities in the US. In my own sourxa area, with used to be the steelmaking capital of the world, and is the cradle of the US labour move ment, communities of once-prosperous turning into demoralised slums. Steel mills are rusting or torn down altogether, the biggest employer in the area is now the Univer sity of Pittsburgh.
This industrial decay reflects the economic weakening of the US, especially against its Japanese and European competitors. The US share of the world economic product fell from about 40 per cent in the 1950s to a projected 25 per cent in the 1990s Sectors of the US ruling class gathered around George Bush are trying to preserve their position through continuing the policies of imperialist resurgence started by Ronald Reagan. This strategy. involving the aggressive militarism we saw in the Gulf, is part of a larger strategy for US domination in third Word des The Bush administration has had undeniable short-term successes with its war policy in the Persian Gulf. But it is still an open question whether this here is no certainty that military and olitical clout can compensate for workers have been under sustained attack. Part of that attack has been through jobs were lost; despite the fact that the absolute number of blue collar jobs is higher than ever, it is a declining proportion of the workforce.
Living standards under attack per cent of the new jobs created since the 1980s were concentrated in low-wage white collar and service jobs; there has been a significant expansion of part time and temporary employment. Real wages fell by eight per cent during the 1980s. Almost 20 per cent of American workers haveno health insurance and 10 per cent no pension plan.
The general decline of living standards has had profound impacts on the consciousness of the class. Younger workers face many fewer Job opportunities than their parents. Twenty-two per cent of US children live in poverty.
White male workers serving as the sole breadwinner have traditionally be seen as a privileged group in the ing class. But their real income fell by an 1984. Working class families need two 22 percent between between1976 and incomes to survive at the same levels that their parents did on one income; in the workforce, and even an increase of illegal child labour.
Black and Hispanic workers are the majority of the working class in many parts of the country. They are the most oppressed of all; one third of black vorkers are officially categorised a iving in poverty, as opposed to 11 per cent of white workers.
Resistance
The working class does not express Itself mainly through the trade unions. Less than 15 tris the and per than 10 percent in the Less than 10 per cent in the private sector.
However, there have been important fightbacks against the attacks. The fight by the Hormel meatpacking worken Austin, Minnesota was supported by workers all over the country despite its The militancy of the United Mineworkers of America in the 1989 PitEston strike generated solidarity and a spirit of enthusiasm throughout the working class; the resulting victory has strengthened class struggle currents in years. Many strikes have utilised novel tactics, including civil disobedience against court injunctions.
In my own Pittsburgh area there have been two long and toughstrikes this past among the workers of Giant Eagle supermarket chain, and hospital workers in nearby Canonsburg Both strikes generated a militant spirit reminiscent of the 1930s; in Canonsburg there were mass confrontations and arrests. Similar struggles are emerging in Faced with the obvious bankruptcy of the spectabl class collaborationism ship, union members and some union Icaders are turning towards a more radical and socially conscious unionism. In some unions dissident causes reflecting ew moods are making headway. These include Teamsters for a Democratic Union, the New Directions Caucus in the United ELEC. workers to join a new body called Labour Party Advocates. He says that when 5000 local union leaders are joined up, a convention will be called to form a Labour Party.
of inde pendent political action. Among the community there is deepening resentment against the deep entrenched racismol US society. A phoney reforms empty promises and huge percentage of blacks have drawn radical political conclusions, reflected in support for Jesse Jackson's Rainbow Coalition. But the Rainbow is deeply flawed by being bound up with the Democratic Party. Recently, a former top strategist of the Rainbow, has broken with Jackson on the issue of the Democratic Party.
The National Organisation of Women has recently helped to lead mass strug: gles against reactionary attempts fo restrict abortion rights, It has also declared its support for struggles of the Afro-American community and labour movement, and took a consistently antifar position on the Gulf. A majority o the and a central component of its leadership, have taken a position in favour of a new party based on radical social and economic reform.
Radical activists
Another important factor in the US today is the bre badly based milieu of left liberal and radical activists, many of them relatively young and a growing number of them part of the resurgent wave of politicising students. They constituted a vital part of the Central American solidarity movement, the antiwar movement of the Gulf, and the movement against US support to apart.