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nationalist community.
The events since January do not contradict that analysis. The British government now feels able to use any and every means possible to suppress the WHAT IS GOING on within black sections? Confusion reigns over the so-called 'Morris proposals' (put forward in Tribune on 8 January by TGWU deputy Bill Morris) for a 'black socialist society'. How does the existing black sections leadership intend to respond to them?
The questions posed in this discussion are critical for the future of black sections.
The setting up of a black socialist society would require NEC support to succeed. The clear implication is that Morris can swing powerful trade union support behind the proposal provided that a 'deal' can be struck with black sections. The key question is what would this mean for the struggle for black self-determination in the labour movement - an advance or self-limitation?
Paul Sharma is the main spokesperson within black sections themselves for dropping the full-blown demand for recognition in favour of more 'realisable' objectives which would increase "black representation' in the Labour Party.
The LOC have now dropped their previous, purely formal, support for recognition of black sections in favour of Sharma's more 'sensible' approach.
In a recent article (also in Tribune) Sharma described those in the black sections leadership still committed to full recognition as a 'mujaheddin' faction.
In fact, the essence of the 'Morris proposals' is that a deal is perhaps available, or at least some substantial trade union support at the NEC, for a black socialist society, on the condition that black sections are de facto wound up.
This is not to say that the 'maximum demand' for black sections could not be kept as a formal part of a black socialist SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 6 March/April 1988
political activity of Irish people and their supporters here and in both the six and twenty-six counties in order to preserve their interests in Ireland.
To this end they have locked society's programme.
Morris represents that wing of the trade union bureaucracy least hostile to the development of anti-racist policies and more receptive structures for black members. But, he cannot and will not support demands for real black self-organisation in the labour movement. To do so could cost him his job.
Other sections of the bureaucracy are completely hostile to making any concessions to anti-racism and to their black members. It is clearly in the interest of black Black sections on the march sections and black caucuses in the unions for this policy division in the labour movement bureaucracy to be intensified.
Yet, this can only be done successfully from a position of strength. If the Labour leadership is prepared to concede a 'partially liberated zone' in the form of a black socialist society then so be it. Its basis must be absolutely unconditional.
Why is it that so much support has coalesced around the minimum demand of a black socialist society leaving the maximum demand for