shows its strength By Fred Leplat (Islington NALGO) and Carolyn Sikorski (Newham NALGO). NALGO's first-ever general secretary election, held in April, resulted in a victory for deputy general secretary, rightwing Kinnockite Alan Jinkinson.
Jinkinson won 49 per cent of the vote. But the 23 per cent for Roger Bannister, a Militant supporter from Merseyside running on a "broad left' ticket, showed the strength of the hard left in NALGO. Bannister's vote, with the 3.6 percent for WRP supporter Chris Goody, gave the hard left over a quarter of the vote. The other candidate, soft left West Midlands district organiser Sid Platt, won 24 per cent.
Although elections are only ever a fleeting snapshot, the result says a lot about NALGO. Last year NALGO's half million local government workers staged their first-ever national pay strikes, which were highly successful.
In part the election result reflects the resulting militancy and new-found confidence. But the union remains much less polarised than, for example, the NUT. The union's leadership has been relatively successful, despite its tacit new realism, in maintaining a broad consensus around its just left-ofcentre positions.
Left policies accepted
One thing above all has enabled this stability to be maintained - local government white collar workers, the core of NALGO's membership, have not been so savagely attacked as other public sector workers.
Privatisation and compulsory competitive tendering have hit mainly manual workers. Employment among white collar workers has held up, although most remain very low paid. Thus the union has been able to maintain the jobs and living standards of most of its members without prolonged militant national action or confronting the anti-trade union laws. Most NALGO industrial action consists of dispersed local disputes.
The mechanism utilised by the union leadership to maintain its dominance has been largely to accept the adoption of left-wing policies on a range of political issues, while heading off moves towards militant industrial action, especially that which would involve SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 25, June 1990
FEATURES NA direct confrontation with the government. Thus NALGO has opportunities equal policies that are among the most ad- vanced in the trade union movement; it is affiliated to CND; and has a wide range of generally left-wing positions on interna- tional questions. Yet union's the bureaucracy headed off any serious action over rate-capping and the abolition of the Metropolitan authorities in the mid- 1980s, a key factor in enabling these measures to go through. Poll Tax Jim White, chair of the union's local government commit-Industrial Action over this year's pay clalm likely tee, successfully prevented the adoption of a non-implementa- tion position on the poll tax at the 1989 con- ference. This will be a key issue at NALGO's Boumemouth conference in June. Last year the union leadership just scraped a majority for a resolution that said that non- implementation should only be considered when a mass campaign of non-payment al- ready existed. This year, it will be much less possible to use the same argument as millions of people are already not paying the tax. The poll tax will be at the centre of the confrontation between the left and the union leadership at this year's conference. For NALGO, which has recruited thousands of new poll tax staff, and whose finance and housing department workers are deeply in- volved in carrying it out, is the one union that could knock the tax stone cold dead. Local government pay NALGO's 1990 pay claim - a flat rate claim for £1500, an average of 14 per cent - will be a key battle in this year's pay round. The local government employers seem unlike- ly to offer more than 8 per cent, well below
MALGO memberssay no anatier Standaris Jonn namns/nepon
STOIthe rate of inflation. This would almost certainly trigger a national strike ballot.
However the employers will be much more organised and prepared than in 1989 and national strike action could tum into a long slog. The NALGO leadership's tactic of selective strike action could prove much less effective than last year. Militants in the union have to organise for an all-out strike, as the most ef fective way to win.
A mega-union?
For more than two years NALGO has been discussing merger with the manual workers public sector union NUPE - a process which the health service union COHSE joined in last year. Without doubt, the drive for merger is motivated by bureaucratic self-interest.
The trend is towards the creation of half a dozen 'super unions' through mergers. The NALGO, NUPE and COHSE leaderships are protecting themselves from predators like John Edmonds' GMB through this merger. Financial considerations play an important role; NUPE, whose membership has declined much faster than NALGO's, is in dire financial straits. NALGO, despite temporary
Page 11
problems, has huge accumulated reserves. Whatever motivation the bureaucracy, the left also supports merger. The division between manual and white collar workers is increasingly redundant. The new union could wield considerable clout - with 1.6 million members (more than a million of them women) it would be the largest single union in the TUC. Thus the political stance of this new union would be of vital importance for the whole future of the labour movement. The new union would be the major union in the NHS (the country's biggest single employer), and dominate local government. Affiliation A key complication in the merger process is the issue of Labour Party affiliation. Despite its political fund and explicit anti- Tory propaganda at election times, NALGO is the largest union not affiliated to the TUC The NUPE leadership, espe- cially in the person of Tom Sawyer, is a key component of Kinnock's right-wing flank guard in the union bureaucracy. Merger would likely be followed by a bal- lot in the fused union over affilia- tion; if carried, the fused union would be an enormous force inside the Labour Party. Self-organisation NALGO is unique in having self-organised groups of the op pressed formally recognised as of- ficial structures. Thus it has an ac- tive and dynamic black members* group, and national steering com- mittees representing women, les- bians and gay men, and people However, there has been a long fight on the issue of the autonomy of these groups, ending with a stalemate at the 1989 conference at which no position was passed. The issue has come to a head par- ticularly over the right of the Black members group to decide its own structure. Again at this year's conference there will be an enormous set-piece battle on this. The same issue of autonomy is involved in the refusal of NALGO's executive to agree to the right of NALGO's women's conference to submit motions directly to national con- ference. International issues Despite the influence of the Morning Star stalinists on international policy, NALGO has throughout the 1980s supported both the revolution in Central America and Solidarnose in Poland. Last year the union adopted, against the advice of the platform, support for the Page 12
FEATURES Time to Go campaign on Ireland. of the on the struggle an important fight on this issue. Politicisation of NALGO naigo UTION PICKET ried out by the leadership of the union, the long-term trend in NALGO is towards a shar- pening polarisation and a more politicised union. The Tory anti-union laws imposed an deeply resented by the bureaucracy. politicisation. Merger with unions affiliated to the Labour Party will also inevitably mean a more political union. Above all, the situation facing local government workers inevitably will sharpen political conflicts. able to defend their members' employment and conditions through local skirmishes and manoeuvres, this is unlikely to last. Poll tax capping is likely to result in the first wide-
But the crisis in easter Europe and the Soviet Union has made the executive waver
against the stalinist bureaucracy. In particular the union's international committee has refused to support the independent Soviet trade union Sotsprof because 'the situation is not clear'. There is likely to be
Overall, despite the holding-operation carNAIGO PAY UP NOW! election for general secretary on NALGO, one
Open elections are bound to help deepen
While many NALGO branches have been
defeat new realism.
ranging redundancies among white collar local government workers. The poll tax is thus a dagger aimed not only at local services, but at employment in local government as well. Strings Last year the local goverment employers tried to impose flexible working and local pay bargaining as part of the pay deal. Outrage at the 'strings' was part of the reason for the huge support for the strike action. The employers have a long-term strategy aimed at undermining national pay bargaining and conditions. The NALGO leadership is starting to preach 'realism' on these issues. Concessions on these questions will lead to a major battle in the union. Thus the NALGO leadership's policy of manoeuvres and negotia- tions will run out of steam: the polarisation in the union between those who want to fight, and the leadership that does not, will deepen. Left must organise The lack of a sharp political polarisation reflects itself in the ab sence of stable left wing organisa- tion. The influential Morning Star supporters do not want left or- ganisation; they prefer to maintain their influence through being the useful left cover and ornament of the bureaucracy. They supported the right-wing candidate, Alan Jinkinson, in the general secretary clection. Both Militant and the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) have sub- stantial numbers of supporters in the union. But successive attempts to build a functioning Broad Left had foundered on their sec- tarianism. Militant want a broad left which is a Militant front; the SWP is only interested in its own recruitment and propaganda. Nevertheless the left forces in NALGO go way beyond these two currents; as the polarisation in the union deepens, the political basis for an on-going left current will emerge. The new journal NALGO Action, which has the backing of 30 branches, is attempting to reach out to all those on the left through information and debate on the union's strategy. This will be especially important when the merger with NUPE and COHSE goes through. As the dominant union in local government and the NHS, the new union will be a critical component of the working class movement. Building a united and fighting class struggle co-ordination in NALGO is a key task in the fight to renovate the labour movement and SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 25, June 1990-
Social crises in sub-Saharan Africa have never been so acute. Under the impact of war, famine, rampant despotism, collapse of health and other public services, unemployment and falling production and trade, hundreds of thousands of people are being systematically killed.
As in the late 1920s, the most acute symptoms of deep economic depression have appeared first on the periphery of world capitalism. Yet, with the exception of South Africa, black Africa is perhaps the most neglected area of international socialist analysis. Apart from a lew small circles of marxists in African cities and in exile, serious political analysis and debate on Africa's crisis has been lelt to development experts*, aid agencies and bankers.
Capitalist decay
Africa is the only continent where per capita output has declined consistently throughout the last decade, according to the World Bank. Although SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 25, June 1990
SUPPLEMENT Without coherent political leadership workers in Namibia have little to celebrate The lost goal of a socialist Africa by Ben Campbell there are great variations and enor- mous inequalities within African states, average income for each African is now over 50 times lower than the average for people in the OECD countries. Over the same period, Africa's debt has been the fastest growing in the world.(See Table 1) Historical structures of primary commodity export depend- ence have combined with a slump in world commodity prices Reagan's deficit finance mini-boom during the 1980s (See Table 2). Africa's total debt is now over 80 per cent of the continent's entire produc- tion, and averages 300 per cent of its annual export earnings. Africa's debt does not directly threaten the international capitalist banking system to the same extent as that of Latin America. This is partly because it is much lower in absolute terms, but also because most of it is not owed to private banks but to states. Nevertheless, in 1988-9 the leading imperialist states, including Britain, made highly publicised
moves to alleviate Africa's debt after the reschedulings of 1986-7 made little difference. But the moves resulted in only 1.6 per cent of the debt being cancelled. More likely, the moves were a ploy designed to establish direct IMF/World Bank control of African state economic management.
So far, 30 African govemments have adopted IMF austerity tural Adjustment Programmes", drivand ing down living standards privatising nationalised Contrary to World Bank assertions, these measures achieved no discernable rise in growth. To add insult to injury, for the last four years African countries have paid back more to the IMF than than they received in loans. Rates of capital investment have fallen and public services have been slashed.
Some 10,000 children in Africa now die each day of causes linked to malnutrition and the non-availability of rudimentary healthcare, according to UNICEF. Each year 150,000 women in sub-Saharan Africa die
"Africa's total debt is now over 80 per cent of the continent's entire production, and averages •Struc 300 per cent of and its annual property. export earnings." Paqe 13
"militaristic Soviet aid programmes to Africa were cut in line with the declining Soviet economy. Only Angola and Ethiopia still receive substantial Soviet aid, and this is destined to end in 1991." 110 100 90 80 Percentage of GNP 50 40 30 20 10 1970 Source: World Bark (World Debt Tables 1988-89) Published by the UN Department of Public Informati Page 14
from causes related to pregnancy. Declining rural inputs, desertification and civil wars mean that today nearly eight million Africans are threatened with famine, mostly in Ethiopia (potentially worse than 1984-5), Sudan, Mozambique, Angola and Ruanda. Yet the FAO forecasts a global shortfall of food aid in 1990 and a drop in shipments to 17 African countries currently requesting emergency aid.
Spontaneous revolts
Falling living standards, corruption and lack of democracy in Africa's one party states have led since late last year to mass revolts across the continent. Spurred on by radio news of events in Eastern Europe, and then by Nelson Mandela's release in South Africa and by the UN supervised elections in Namibia, sections of workers, intellectuals and students have been demanding multi-party democracy in Zaire, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Algeria, Benin, Mali, Niger and Chad. Skirmishes have occurred in Somalia, Tanzania, the Central African Republic, Guinea and Cape Verde.
In most cases, dictatorial rulers at the head of neo-colonial states have tried to seek an accomodation with opposition leaders or groups, but their link to the masses is extremely tenuous. Only the absence of viable political party alternatives and the presence of troops on the streets and campuses has prevented leaders being overthrown. With client trade unions
Rising Debt Ratios 1975 1980 Debt as a Percentage of GNP by Region 1970-1990 Note: 1990 figures are based on World Bank projections.
September 1989
SUPPLEMENT corrupted by state and foreign union aid, an average of 54% illiteracy amongst adults, and the loss of about 70,000 administrators and managers during the 1980s, the working class in Africa has few resources to draw on.
Soviet influence in Africa was waning long before Gorbachev's reforms. Disillusioned after supporting 'friendly' tyrants like Idi Amin in Uganda and Bokassa of the Central African Republic, militaristic Soviet aid programmes to Africa were cut in
with the declining economy. Only Angola and Ethiopia still receive substantial Soviet aid, and this is destined to end in 1991. With an eye to Wester donors, 'Marxist-Leninist' rhetoric has been dropped by ruling parties in Benin, Mozambique, Ethiopia and Congo.
Imperialist troops re-establish a presence
With the 50,000 Cuban troops now leaving Angola, imperialist diplomacy in Africa is the only one backed up by the threat of military action. Apart from French troops in Senegal, Djibouti, Ivory Coast, Gabon and the Comoros, a crack unit of 1,300 troops from the US Special Forces Group, or Green Berets, is to be reactivated in June explicitly to counter insurgency in Africa. Already Green Beret training teams have served in Nigeria, Zaire, Burkino Faso, Kenya and Tanzania, and Zaire is targetted as the main US logistical base. In April, 700 US troops were reported to be holding manuouvres
Africa, South of The Sahara Horn ricar The Middle East alin america & The Caribbean South Asia East Asia
1985 1990
near Zaire's border with Angola, where the largest US contra programme in Africa is underway.
Such reinforcements are not yet needed in militarily and economically stronger states such as Nigeria, Kenya and Zimbabwe where dissent has been quicky repressed. southern Africa, despite the presence of the large South African army, with its acquisition of nuclear weaponry, a small presence of British army of ficers is now deployed in a belt across the continent from Namibia to Mozambique, including Zimbabwe, Botswana, Malawi, Lesotho and Swaziland.
Such manoeuvres throw into sharp relief the question of imperialist plans for South Africa as a regional power. Using Zaire, the American CIA has had to take over from Pretoria prime responsibility for the Unita contras in Angola. Britain is anxious to moderate South Africa's devastating destabilisation of its front line states, especially Mozambique because its ports service most of the neighbouring states. A special role for South Africa as the regional policeman of south-central Africa is sought, but is not yet possible politically.
No socialist response in
advanced capitalism
In the aftermath of the 1960s* flirtation with African socialism, cynicism and doubt has set in. Labour Party members, West European socialists, independent marxists and stalinists are confused about what to do. The burgeoning charity industry, with its Victorian appeal, is setting the pace with fun runs and sympathy, playing on the fears and hopes of middle class layers and youth who see the global village' cracking. Workers are distrustful of the new philanthropists but uninformed of the issues. 'War on Want tried to base itself on the labour movement bureaucracy, and ended up bankrupt.
Undoubtedly. European chauvinism and racism is a major cause of the disarray. It is common to find socialists in Britain (rather, *British' socialists) who never relate the defeat of modern racism to the social liberation of Africa. For them, equal opportunities policies, originally the stuff of the US army in Korea, have become a bureaucratic end in themselves. The actual historical material causes of racism are either not addressed, or are clouded in a little England' mentality. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 25, June 1990
When international solidarity with Africa is ever discussed, socialists are usually deeply divided, but on a subject they know too little about. Who knows, for example, that a constellation of British military training teams now stretched across southern Africa from the Indian to the Atlantic Oceans? Or that the British trade unions, along with the German, US Canadian and Nordic unions, are the main funders of