Palestine's Second Intifada - 17
Lessons Drawn from Bayan Al-Ishrein (The Petition of the Twenty)
Dr. Adel Samara
...Socialist Outlook February 2000
When Ramallah was put under PA control, many Palestinians visited the jail where Israelis had tortured them. I did not. I was not sure that I would not be arrested again - in the same place where I had sat as a prisoner five times between 1963-1978. Now it has happened. Once more, in late November this year, I found myself in Ramallah jail - and not as a guest of honor.
In its response to the Manifesto of the Twenty, the PA appeared panic-stricken. It is strange enough to arrest people for voicing their political and social ideas. The PA, however, made an even more dangerous mistake when it pushed its supporters to demonstrate on its behalf in the centre of Ramallah. In that "loyalist" demonstration, dozens of masked youth shot in the air.
The next day Dr. Mu'awiyya Al-Masri, a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), was shot in the leg. A few days later, the Palestinian Secret Security gave a beating to PLC member Abdel Jawad Saleh. Let us suppose - against the evidence - that the PA itself did not order the attacks. Even so, by allowing reckless shooting at its demonstration, the PA encourages its supporters to take the law in their own hands.
The PA's extreme reaction was counterproductive, giving our Manifesto much more publicity than it would otherwise have had. What could have been an isolated action by twenty personalities became the centre of public discussion.
PA officials claimed we were the pawns of Syrian propaganda, although none of us respect any current Arab regime. Activists on the Palestinian Left refrained from taking an unambiguous stand on the matter. Instead, they aired the notion that some of us were merely seeking attention or trying to pressure the PA to silence us by giving us posts. I strongly believe that if a revolutionary intellectual wants to stay independent, he or she must never be bound materially to the regime. In my case, such a danger does not exist: even the Palestinian academic world has blacklisted me as a Marxist/nationalist.
Certain lessons should be drawn from the events surrounding the appearance of the Manifesto:
First: In the course of taking power in the Territories, the Palestinian leadership had to make the transition from military body to political organisation. The PA, nonetheless, clings to the old military mentality. It must come to understand, however, that unlike military cadres, our society in the West Bank and Gaza does not depend upon it for a livelihood. We are not an item on a payroll. Accordingly, it is the PA, as a regime, that needs to prove its competence to the people - not vice-versa.
As a corollary: our Palestinian people must realise that the national struggle cannot be limited to the military level. The Manifesto is a small step toward diverting the struggle for liberty to its full social, political and economic aspects.
Second: Much criticism has been directed toward the twenty signers from those who support the Manifesto. Some note that more people should have had the chance to sign. This is correct. It is a bitter fact, however, that the Manifesto was launched by a mere twenty individuals because the Palestinian opposition is so weak. A handful of people did the job of the political parties.
Third: We must confront our socio-economic realities. Economically dependent regimes, like the PA, do not find it necessary to breed democracy and basic liberties, whereas a modern developed economy can scarcely keep growing without them. In weak, under-industrialised nations, the regime tends to use tyranny in order to mask its economic incompetence. Given a lack of civil and democratic rights, other subjective factors can help fill the need, such as an active intelligentsia, an opposition press, and education. The Manifesto was an attempt to introduce such a factor. Our efforts will remain straws in the wind, however, until there are strong opposition parties to back them up and fight for democracy.